Borders come down in four Balkan countries

Leaders of Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro and Kosovo on Saturday said they had established a "free-movement" CANADA zone between their states as a sign of their readiness for further European integration.


"The countries have implemented a mini Schengen regime," said Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu, referring to the borderless zone created by 25 European Union member countries.


The move, which would enable citizens of the four Balkan SAVINGS countries to travel through their territories without visas, has "demonstrated our maturity for wider integration FROM processes," said Sejdiu, who hosted the summit.


"We are sending the message to the Schengen zone that citizens of these four countries should also enjoy free movement toward its countries," said Montenegro's President Filip Vujanovic.

Macedonia under the pressure of its neighbours

Ever since its proclamation of independence, Macedonia has experienced challenges from its neighbours in regard to its statehood, national identity and church. Had it not been for the EU, the USA and NATO, the country would have succumbed to internal conflict and probably also to outside aggression. But Macedonia has managed to survive despite its domestic problems, and become a candidate for membership of the European Union and NATO. These alliances serve also as guarantors of its continued existence and of the integration of its divided society.


Serbia recognised Macedonia in 1996 under the name of Republic of Macedonia, albeit with a demand for some minor border corrections. But the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) refuses to accept the independence of the Macedonian Orthodox Church (MPC) proclaimed in 1967. The issue of autocephaly of the MPC is closely linked to that of Macedonian statehood, i.e. with recognition of the Macedonian state.


The fact that Serbia does not have clearly demarcated borders with its neighbours will pose a serious obstacle to its closer integration into the European Union. As an integral aspect of regional cooperation, this is expected to become a major political problem in the region. This was stressed in the 2009 European Commission’s report for Serbia, which noted that Serbia has not established its borders with either Croatia or Bosnia-Herzegovina or Montenegro.






Serbia reacted strongly against the signing of a border agreement between Macedonia and Kosovo. Negotiations on such an agreement between Montenegro and Kosovo are due to begin soon. Since Serbia does not recognise Kosovo’s independence, fixing its borders with the states that have recognised Kosovo is bound to become a lengthy and consuming problem.






Taking advantage of Macedonia’s complex international position, Belgrade has been using Kosovo as a new instrument of blackmail. Aware of the complicated relations that exist between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia, Belgrade thought that Macedonia would not hurry to recognise Kosovo. But international circumstances and Macedonia’s chance to move faster towards Europe prevailed also in the case of its approach to Kosovo’s independence, and recognition of the latter undoubtedly contributed to the stability of this part of the Balkans.






Relations between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians proved to be more important than the earlier sharing of positions with Serbia towards the Albanian question. Following the Ohrid Agreement (2001), Macedonia gradually came to accept the fact that the Albanians are a crucial factor of its internal stability.










Macedonia recognises Kosovo’s independence






Macedonia recognised Kosovo’s independence at the same time as Montenegro (2008), and Serbia took this as a sign of hostility on the part of the two countries. Serbia promptly applied the Kosovo Action Plan, the details of which are revealed only in concrete situations. Belgrade’s first measure was to withdraw ambassadors from neighbouring countries, and to expel the Macedonian and Montenegrin ambassadors.






Macedonia and Montenegro justified their decision to recognise Kosovo in the following manner: ‘In view of the fact that the Kosovo institutions have bound themselves to fully implement the principles and rules envisaged by the UN general secretary’s special representative for the solution of Kosovo’s status, the two countries support the building of democratic institutions in Kosovo designed to establish a multinational society that would guarantee the right of all ethnic communities to their cultural, confessional and linguistic identity.’ (1)






Belgrade’s reaction elicited some serious diplomatic pressure on the part of the USA. The American secretary of defence, Robert Gates, sent the message that ‘Washington would greatly appreciate Macedonia’s prompt recognition of Kosovo.






Macedonia’s two most important ethnic Albanian parties, the Albanian Democratic Party led by Menduh Thaci and Ali Ahmeti’s Democratic Integrative Union played a key role in ensuring Macedonia’s speedy recognition of Kosovo. This also contributed to the country’s stability. The two parties’ document states among other things: ‘The status of Kosovo has for a long time been generating important political problems in the region, instability and armed confrontations ... Recognition of Kosovo is a realistic solution to the regional crisis.’ Menduh Thaci explained the Albanian parties’ initiative as follows: ‘Kosovo’s independence is not only an Albanian project but also one pressed for by USA, EU and NATO.’ (3)






Macedonian President Ivanov’s inauguration










The inauguration of the Macedonian president, Gjordje Ivanov, elicited also blackmail on the part of Serbia and Greece. The inauguration was witnessed by Albanian president Bamir Topi, Montenegrin president Filip Vujanovic, Croatian president Stipe Mesic, and Serbian president Boris Tadic. The Kosovo president, Fatmir Seidiu, did not come as a result of Serbian pressure, while the Bulgarian and Greek presidents, Georgi Pervanov and Karolos Papoulias respectively, did not turn up even though they were invited.






Tadic stressed in his congratulatory address: ‘I congratulate you most sincerely on winning the presidential election. I am sure we shall work on strengthening neighbourly and friendly relations for the benefit of the citizens of Serbia and Macedonia.’ (4) Tadic stressed that in addition to the recognition of Kosovo, the two countries faced also the unresolved church question.






The Macedonian media were critical of Ivanov’s decision not to invite the Kosovo to the inauguration, arguing that ‘the regulation of inter-ethnic relations in the country should not be replaced by one-off favours to someone’s Serbian friends, be they Tadic or Ðelic...’. (5)






Macedonia between Kosovo and Serbia






The omission of an invitation led to an offer to Kosovo president Seidiu. to be the first foreign statesman to visit Skopje after Ivanov’s inauguration. Sejdiu declined, however, because the Macedonian president was not going to receive him with due protocol. This was another concession to Belgrade. According to Kosovo analysts, President Seidiu was right not to go, and this move did not upset relations between the two countries.






The Kosovo analyst Milazim Krasniqi says: ‘Macedonia is a country which, like Kosovo, is beset with many problems. Thus, for example, they [in Macedonia] have a great problem with neighbouring Greece, because they cannot agree on the name. And until a few months ago they had difficult relations with Serbia because of recognition of Kosovo - they don’t need additional complications in regard to Kosovo.’ (6)






Krasniqi stressed also that ‘both Kosovo and Macedonia have declared themselves in favour of regional and European integration’. ‘I therefore think that this is an isolated case. I think that the Macedonian president and government should carefully consider the message for the sake of continued good relations which should, however, conform to some standards of mutual respect.’ (7)






Macedonia’s view on Kosovo independence before the International Court of Justice (ICJ)






Thanks to pressure from Belgrade, Macedonia decided not to state its view on the legality of Kosovo’s proclamation of independence or submit any documents in this regard. The decision to remain neutral was made after the Serbian media criticised it for not supporting Serbia before the ICJ.






Relations between the Serbian and Macedonian Orthodox Churches






The Macedonian Orthodox Church - the Archbishopric of Ohrid (MPC - OA) or simply MPC - is the official Orthodox church in the Republic of Macedonia, but remains as yet unrecognised by its peers. The MPC proclaimed its independence from the SPC in Ohrid in 1967. The conflict with the SPC dates from that time, and the latter’s non-recognition is in essence non-recognition of Macedonian statehood. The Ecumenical Patriarch did not recognise the Macedonian church because it bears the Macedonian name, and the same is true of the Greek and other churches. The Macedonian church sees itself as the heir to the archbishopric of Ohrid. The SPC, on the other hand, recognises only the newly created Orthodox Ohrid Archbishopric headed by Jovan Vraniškovski.






In 2003 the SPC offered to the MPC autonomous status within the Serbian church, which would mean that the congregation and the clergy of the Macedonian church would be obliged to mention in every liturgy the name of the Serbian patriarch. The only bishop who accepted this was Vraniškovski.






The Greeks, on the other hand, reject the Macedonian nation and use of the Macedonian name for the state, because they see the name as belonging to their alleged historic territory (associated with Alexander of Macedonia). This is why Greece (and the EU too) continue to identify Macedonia as BJRM/FYROM - the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. A more recent suggestion intended to satisfy both sides is Northern Macedonia or Slav Macedonia.






The new Serbian patriarch Irinej recalled this problem in his first declaration: ‘We have a common history and culture, and the language is mutually comprehensible. What has been happening up to now is not normal. We have done everything to overcome this problem, but they did not understand this well enough, and now they do. ‘ He also said: ‘We now face a new problem because there exists now a new official church [the Ohrid Archbishopric] which all nations recognise, and it will require much effort on their part too for this problem to be mutually resolved. Our door is open, and my desire is that we find a solution. We shall do all we can, I as the patriarch and the church as a whole, to solve the problem.’ (8)






Secret negotiations were also conducted between the two churches during 2009. This was made public by the bishop of Backa, Irinej. He told the Skopje media that ‘there were contacts and talks, but without concrete results’ (9), adding that there is a desire in both the SPC and the MPC for dialogue and for overcoming the current status quo situation. Sources in the MPC say that the Serbian side softened its positions when it saw that the project with Jovan Vraniškovski had failed.






The Macedonian church seeks autocephaly, but the SPC insists on ‘autonomy’ which falls short of independence. The MCP knows full well that the path to strengthening its position goes through the Belgrade church, but it is difficult to expect that the Serbian church, which enjoys excellent relations with the Greek church, will grant autocephaly to the MPC in the situation of unresolved conflict between Skopje and Athens over Macedonia’s name.






At its recent synod the MPC changed its name to Macedonian Orthodox Church - the Archbishopric of Ohrid (MPC-OA). According to a professor of theology at the university of Skopje, Dimitar Belcovski, who worked on changing the MPC constitution, the proposal for extending the name had been submitted to the synod back in 2005.






Serbia’s reaction to Macedonia’s establishment of diplomatic relations with Kosovo






Relations between Serbia and Macedonia have been strained ever since Macedonia’s recognition of Kosovo. President Tadic says that in principle ‘Serbia remains attached to regional cooperation, and supports Macedonia in regard to EU membership’. ‘We are moving forward together also in regard to the European states’ decision to abolish the visa, which is of great importance for our citizens.’ (10) Serbia believes that the Western Balkans should join the EU as a ‘package’. Hence this declaration and also Serbia’s behaviour towards its neighbours confirm its strategy of obstructing a more rapid integration into the EU of, in particular, Macedonia, Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina.






Serbia insists that the status of Kosovo is the point on which the two countries’ policies diverge; but, as Tadic says, the imminent opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality of independence could bring about changes in this field too. ‘Serbia will never recognise the independence of Kosovo. After the ICJ judgement, Serbia will be ready to initiate a new dialogue aimed at finding a compromise solution.’ (11)






The Serbian foreign minister, Vuk Jeremic, said on the occasion of his meeting with the Greek foreign minister, Dimitris Droutsas, that Athens could count on ‘Belgrade’s full political, moral and any other support in solving the question of Macedonia’s name’. (12) ‘Greece has proved to be a sincere friend and a moving force in the process of inclusion of the whole Western Balkans into the EU, and in that context we fully understand - and will continue to extend our full support to - the efforts of the Greek government to solve all the issues important for the Western Balkans, including also the sensitive issue of the name of the state the capital of which is Skopje’, said Jeremic. (13)






Macedonia opened its embassy in Prishtina on 15 March 2010 in a practical confirmation of the establishment of diplomatic ties. Macedonia’s foreign minister, Antonio Milošoski, stated on that occasion: ‘Macedonia and Kosovo favour peace in the region, friendship and economic cooperation. The opening of the embassy represents for us a solemn moment and a new impetus in our inter-state relations.’ He also said that his country supported Kosovo’s territorial integrity and would help Kosovo in the process of visa liberalisation. (14)






Fixing the frontiers










Border agreement between the former Yugoslav republics is one of the conditions of their advance towards the EU. Defining the frontier is a bilateral problem that has to be solved before entering the EU. The commissioner for EU enlargement, Štefan Füle, says that ‘each state that seeks to join the EU must resolve its bilateral problems in parallel with the preparations for European integration’. (15)






The director of the Centre for Regionalism, Aleksandar Popov, stresses the problem. ‘Macedonia has already defined its border with Kosovo, and when Montenegro too has done this, we [in Serbia] will face a double problem. Demarcation will be one of the contested questions on Serbia’s road to the EU.’ (16) ‘If Serbia were forced to recognise Kosovo, it would also have to fix its border with it; but given what has been written into the [Serbian] constitution and the official state policy, this will take a long time’, says Popov. (17)






The Macedonian and Kosovan parliaments have recently ratified an agreement on the inter-state border, which caused a strong reaction from Serbian politicians. The Macedonian government’s spokesman, Martin Martinovski, believes that ‘the frontier question between Macedonia and Serbia was solved in 2001', and that the agreement with Kosovo posed no problems. Montenegro too holds the view that ‘the alleged border problem can be politicised, but there is no essential conflict in international law’. (18)






Vuk Jeremic has said that Macedonia’s agreement with Kosovo on the border was ‘a blow against Belgrade-Skopje relations’, which was ‘bound to have consequences’; that the Macedonian decision was ‘deplorable’; and that it made no sense to negotiate about Serbia’s borders with anyone but the Serbian government. (19)






Summary






Serbia should change its attitude to the unresolved regional problems in order to facilitate its own advance towards the EU. Open frontier issues create a space for manipulation and blackmail of neighbours whenever it suits Belgrade.






Open border issues allow Serbian conservative circles to question the new realities in this part of Europe, and to treat them as historically contingent. This is of particular importance bearing in mind the wars of the 1990s, which left many problems behind, especially those springing from interpretation of the wars and the associated responsibility for them.






Macedonia avoided war, but has been paying a price for years because of the pressure imposed on it by its neighbours. One way of creating new relations in the region is to put an end to border disputes and territorial claims.

Kosovo sees continuing infiltration by Islamists

slamist infiltration of the Albanian-speaking areas in the Balkans began even before the U.S.-led Kosovo intervention of 1999. (The offensive by radical Islam that continues in Kosovo has previously been chronicled here, here, here, and here, with attacks focused on moderate Muslim clerics.) The upsurge of armed struggle for Kosovo independence in 1998 was accompanied by the unexpected emergence of Saudi-financed radicalism in the Albanian-majority zone of western Macedonia. The syndrome is too widespread to be coincidental. Wherever local Muslim-majority communities resist post-Communist abuses – including Kosovo and Macedonia – Islamist radicals show up (beards, short pants, and all), allegedly in emulation of the Prophet Muhammad. The religious extremists assault moderate Muslims and Christians, dividing the forces of national freedom.

The worst example has been that of Chechnya, where Saudi agents diverted a legitimate movement for autonomy within the Russian Federation in a jihadist direction, associating the cause of the Caucasian Muslims with al Qaeda. Chechens have not consistently demanded complete separation. The same pattern is visible among another people who mainly ask for equal rights rather than secession: The Turkic-speaking Uighurs on Chinese territory. Numerous Kosovar and Macedonian Albanians are convinced that Wahhabi agitators are encouraged by Serbia, which seeks to lop off the north of Kosovo and annex it, or create a pseudo-republic. That should sound a familiar note: Such a land-grab would be comparable to those carried out by the fading Soviet rulers in ‘Transnistria,’ a mini-state carved out of Moldova, as well as by the late Slobodan Milosevic in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and by Vladimir Putin in Georgia (the so called nation-states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia).

The latest ambush of a moderate Kosovar Muslim cleric occurred on January 21. Hamit Kamberi, imam at a mosque in Mitrovica, in northern Kosovo, had just finished leading prayers, and his congregation had departed. He was abruptly shoved into the mosque and beaten. ‘I heard some people closing the door and then they attacked me physically,’ he told the Kosovo daily Express, which has taken the lead in exposing local Islamist radicals. ‘I know who these people are and I know their families, too.’ One asked to speak with him, and he was then jumped by four more. ‘I need medical attention, including the services of a neurologist. I have internal and external injuries, in my brain, head and neck,’ he added.

One member of the gang of thugs sported a long Wahhabi beard, while the rest, according to the imam, wore the distinctive short trousers adopted by the fundamentalists. He emphasized that he had never had personal disagreements with the group. But they had been agitating for weeks for his replacement as mosque leader, based on their adherence to the doctrines of the official Saudi sect and the imam’s insistence that Albanians preferred to follow the traditional Islam they first learned from the Ottomans more than half a millennium ago.

The day after the incident, four men, named Vesat Imeri, Burim Ademi, Faruk Osmani and Isa Ibrahimi, presented themselves at a Kosovo police station and, although they claimed to be innocent of involvement in the Kamberi affair, were arrested. Jetish Berisha, chairman of the Islamic Community of Mitrovica, warned that aggression against moderate Kosovar Muslim leaders is continuing and becoming more brutal. All these conflicts, Berisha said, ‘Come from the same element, with the same ideology… Some people think that they can take over our religious institutions through violence. Those ideologies are not based on normal Islam and are inappropriate for us as Kosovar Albanian Muslims.’

In addition, the national Islamic religious officials in Kosovo, who have previously been lax in responding to Wahhabi incursions, issued a strong statement. ‘The leadership of the Kosovo Islamic Community considers the attack on the imam as a blow against the institutions of the Islamic Community, as a violation of our institutions and an offense against their duties… The Kosovo Muslim leadership is committed to order, calm, and the rule of law, as opposed to anarchy and banditry,’ the top clerics said.

Described by the Kosovo newspaper Express as ‘the strongest ever issued by the Kosovo Islamic leaders,’ the declaration may have been necessary given the location of the latest Wahhabi foray. Mitrovica is divided by the Ibar river, with Serbs occupying the territory north of its waters. Serb diehards routinely discharge firearms and throw grenades into Albanian homes in the north. Still, Albanian-American journalist Ruben Avxhiu, who publishes a biweekly in New York, Illyria, told me, ‘Serbia remains an outsider and therefore a containable enemy. It is the enemy within that can harm you the most and in many irreparable ways.’

Express has a web comment section that often provides the most trenchant insights into the problems faced by the Kosovars. After the most recent extremist intrusion, ordinary Kosovars expressed themselves in a manner that did not disappoint. Imam Kamberi’s mosque attendees wrote in, noting that the imam was a dedicated man who gave generously of his time. He lives north of the informal partition line in Mitrovica and admitted his fear of the Serbs, but, according to his coreligionists, had undergone physical abuse from Albanians in the southern area of the municipality. The contribution of Kamberi’s congregants ended with a phrase heard elsewhere in the Balkans when the Wahhabis come on the scene: ‘The radicals are hypocrites, and wolves in sheep’s clothing.’

Others were even more articulate about their disgust. A resident of Mitrovica named Gazi posted a comment reading, ‘Shame on those who divide our people! Foreign religion, foreign traditions appear among us like knives. We know very well how they got here. Our people has its own much more precious traditions that we should work together to preserve.’ One Visari, living in Prishtina, the Kosovo capital, wrote, ‘Where is the government and police of Kosovo? Why are they allowing Islamic radicalism to emerge among the Albanian people? Arrest every one of them, because we want to be part of Europe.’

Kosovo may be described as under Europe, but not within it. The European Union, which governs Kosovo, should protect the republic against radical Islam as well as Serbian intrigue. But Europe looks askance at the Kosovars, a decade after the war that brought about their liberation. In the latest evidence of Brussels-based disdain, citizens of Serbia, Montenegro, and Macedonia were, in December 2009, offered the right of visa-free travel to the EU. Since Serbia still claims sovereignty over Kosovo, Albanians from the republic may apply for, and receive, Serbian passports. Many Kosovars have begun to do so, accepting Serbian nationality as a price they must pay to get to the West. But Kosovar Albanians who consent to carry Serbian identity documents undermine Kosovo’s independent status, opening the way to its reabsorption by Serbia. Such an outcome would be disastrous not only for the Kosovars, but for the prestige of the U.S., and would significantly encourage Russian designs in the Balkans.

Macedonia, Kosovo’s southern neighbour, has also had to recognize its Wahhabi problem. A major daily in that country, Vecer [Evening] has reported that the three most prominent and historic mosques in the capital, Skopje, have been taken over by Wahhabi clerics. The paper disclosed that Wahhabis are active throughout Skopje. As previously noted, such foreign penetration has been visible in Macedonia since 1998, and while the Kosovar Albanians have resisted such infiltration, Macedonian leaders have allowed it to grow.

The sharpest comment yet on radical Islam in the Balkans was offered to the readers of Express by a man who signed himself Drini, from the Kosovo town of Lipjan: ‘Yesterday: Fools – Today: Violent – Tomorrow: Terrorists.’ Across the globe, where Islamist fanatics search for weak spots to commit their crimes, these cautionary words should be read and remembered.

Kosovo PM on secret visit in Skopje

Kosovo Prime Minister /PM/ Hashim Taci was on a secret visit in Skopje, Macedonian A1 television informs.
“The aim of the visit and with whom he talked with remains a secret. TV’s team saw Taci in Skopje’s restaurant. He refused to say what the aim of his visit was. Taci’s cabinet press office in Pristina claimed he did not go anywhere.
There are cars with Albanian registration in front of the restaurant where he had lunch,”A1 informs.

Skopje will recognize Kosovo Sept 23, writes Pristina daily

Macedonia will recognize Kosovo on September 23rd. That’s according to the Serbian B92 radio station, which cites a Pristina daily – the Zeri.
Macedonia has bound the recognition with border demarcation issue, but the Zeri claims “this was settled in the recent days, mainly in the sensitive region of Debalde,” the radio says.
The daily writes also that “with a view to the internal political situation in Montenegro it is not quite certain whether Podgorica will immediately follow” Macedonia’s steps in recognizing Kosovo’s independence.

Recognition of Kosovo by Macedonia not far: DUI leader

The recognizing of Kosovo by Macedonia is a solved issue, the leader of the Democratic Union for Integration /DUI/ Ali Ahmeti said in an interview for the Macedonian TV channel Alsat-M.
According to Ahmeti the decision for the recognizing itself would come after three problem moments related to the demarcation with Kosovo were solved. He added that they were technical problems.

Elections Expose Centrifugal Forces at Work in Macedonia

- Still today, whenever there are elections in the small Balkan country of Macedonia, the alarm bells start going off in the EU. Nowadays, however, the principal conflict in Macedonia is not between ethnic Macedonians and the ethnic Albanians who constitute some 25 percent of the population of the country. The violence that broke out on election day earlier this month was the result of a worsening power struggle within the local Albanian community itself.

Despite heavy security and the deployment of some 13,000 police, the parliamentary elections on June 1 were yet again marred by irregularities. Armed groups attacked polling stations and threatened voters. In some localities, ballot boxes were stolen and later turned up stuffed with ballots. Several shooting incidents resulted in one dead and several wounded.

And all of this in Macedonia: a country that diplomats like to cite as a success story for European Balkan policy. In 2001, the country was on the verge of a civil war as ethnic Albanian guerilla forces began to carry out attacks on police and soldiers. Through the mediation of the EU and the U.S., however, an escalation of the conflict was avoided and Macedonia was preserved as a multiethnic state. Since then, things have been calm in the former Yugoslav republic.

"A triumph, not just a normal win": that's what Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski said he wanted from the elections. And with his cumbersomely named VMRO-DPMNE party winning 48 percent of the vote after running a highly nationalistic campaign, he got what he wanted. The party's social democratic opponents, the so-called Sun Coalition, received only 23 percent of the vote, and the two parties of the Albanian minority, the Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) and the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) 12 percent and 11 percent respectively. Gruevski spoke of a historic victory and a "shining future" for Macedonia. Representatives of the EU and of the OSCE, on the other hand, were less enthusiastic. From their perspective, Macedonia had failed yet another "test" of the fitness of the country to join the European Union.

Anyone who wants to understand the conflict in Macedonia has to go to Tetovo, the unofficial capital of the Albanian minority. It is here in the northwestern part of Macedonia, at the foot of a massive mountain range that separates the country from Kosovo, that the two most important Albanian parties have their headquarters. Their flags hang from nearly every streetlamp: red for the DPA and blue for the DUI.

But even if the DUI, with its Marxist-Leninist roots, presents itself as a social democratic party and the DPA as a conservative one, in fact ideological programs play virtually no role in the bitter struggle between the two factions. "They are just two different job agencies," explains Bujar Luma, the director of a local cultural center, "which both pursue the same aim: namely, to form part of the government." For whoever has political power disposes of financial resources and can dispense government jobs. On the other hand, whoever has nothing to give loses support among the population. In an economy based on patronage -- where even positions in the toll stations on the highways are assigned according to party membership -- to find oneself on the right side is of downright existential importance.

In the meanwhile, more and more observers see even the 2001 armed Albanian rebellion as having been less a matter of an honorable struggle for greater rights within Macedonia and more a matter of a struggle for power and influence within the Albanian minority itself. It is true that the ethnic Albanians did obtain more rights as a consequence of the rebellion. But, above all, the guerillas of rebel leader Ali Ahmeti obtained a share of political power, with their newly founded Democratic Union for Integration party replacing the DPA as junior partner in the governing coalition.

The sinecures were then redistributed in strict proportion to the percentage represented by the respective ethnic groups in the population as a whole. The constellation of power within the Albanian minority community changed again following the 2005 parliamentary elections. The DUI was again able to win the majority of votes among ethnic Albanians. But as the winner of the elections, Gruevski chose instead the smaller DPA as coalition partner. The DUI, which regards itself as the true representative of Albanian interests, responded with threats of violence, demonstrations, and a temporary boycott of the parliament.

Just which of the two Albanian parties will participate in the future governing coalition is yet again the decisive question this time around. Gruevski has hinted that he would like to have the DPA as a partner again. "That would be a serious provocation," the DUI's Musa Xafherri told this reporter. Xafherri was deputy prime minister of Macedonia until 2006. He even speaks vaguely of the "chaos" into which Macedonia "could slide" if Gruevski chooses the DPA.

In any case, the participation of the DPA in the government would strengthen the forces pursuing a further decentralization of the country: a process of decentralization that in the end could amount to the de facto dissolution of Macedonia as a unified state. Independent observers like Bujar Luma suspect that the government could even have an interest in provoking an extreme reaction. "There are signs of a gradual partitioning of the country," he said. According to him, despite its official statements to the EU, the government in fact has no interest in preventing this from happening. "The fact is that Macedonians and Albanians do not want to have anything more to do with one another. You see it in the government, in the institutions, and you feel it among ordinary people."

The situation has been made even more delicate by virtue of the declaration of independence in neighboring Kosovo. The Albanians of Macedonia are pushing for rapid recognition of Kosovo, whereas the leaders of the parties of the Macedonian majority are hesitating. Many observers fear that if the Serb-populated northern part of Kosovo declares its independence in turn and the existing de facto partition of the province is thereby consecrated, the Albanian question could return to the agenda in Macedonia as well.

Several young men are standing around a black limousine in front of a DPA-affiliated bar in Tetovo. They have pistols under their t-shirts. Asked if they are for all ethnic Albanians being united within a single state, they shake their heads. Now that Kosovo is independent, they say, that is no longer necessary. "It's much better like this," one of them says: "Now, we have three states."

Macedonia Policemen Ill from Toxic Cargo

Several Macedonian police officers have asked for medical help after being exposed to suspected toxic cargo stuck at the Macedonia-Kosovo border crossing.

The officers complained of coughing, suffocation, headache and increased blood pressure.

Macedonia’s Centre for Crisis Management said the officers were soon released home. Medical teams are checking other employees at the crossing.

There is no official information about the content of the cargo.

Media speculate that the three Bulgarian trucks stuck at the crossing’s customs terminal for four days are carrying a highly toxic and cancerous substance called Di Methyl Sulphate.

The substance that apparently leaks from the tanks is not advised to be stored in metal canisters for more than 20 days since it corrodes the metal.

On Saturday the trucks were returned from Kosovo after the authorities there found out about the suspicious cargo.

The trucks were supposed to carry car fuel from Iran to a Kosovo company. When the cargo arrived the company found the suspicious substance instead.

The cargo was sent back to Iran but Macedonia authorities demanded from Kosovo that the cargo should be properly stored first in order to pass through the country. The trucks were stuck at the terminal since Kosovo refused to take it back.

“We expect this to be returned and repackaged. Our position stays unchanged,” Macedonian government spokesman Ivica Bocevski told media Wednesday after the cabinet discussed the problem.

Police in Kosovo have previously arrested the owner of the company that ordered the import.

Gruevski: No deadline for Kosovo recognition

Macedonia has no deadline to recognize Kosovo and will not make a decision about this under anyone's pressure, Grueski, whose VMRO-DPMNE-led coalition triumphed in the Sunday vote, winning more than half of all seats in the new Macedonian parliament.

When Beta news agency's reporter in Skopje asked the Macedonian premier how the government plans to withstand pressure from the two ethnic Albanian parties to immediately recognize the unilateral secession, he answered that his government "does not make decisions under pressure".

"Pressure, and strong pressure at that, existed, but Macedonia has her state interests, policy, arguments, partners, there's the EU and NATO. We are not indifferent to pressure, but we do not make decisions under it," Grueski explained.

Asked to explicitly say whether there was a deadline for Skopje to make the recognition, he answered, "there are no deadlines".

As for the controversial border demarcation with Kosovo, envisaged under the Ahtisaari document, but rejected by Belgrade, he said Macedonia could have ended this ahead of schedule, but that it was his feeling that "the other [Kosovo Albanian] side is not overly interested".

Belgrade's request to be included in this process, Grueski said, is not up to Macedonia to consider, because his country "is not a factor that can independently make a decision on this", but that, "if the international community decides to, it will be put up for consideration".

Asked to appraise the situation in the region in the context of election violence in Macedonia, a likely deterioration of relations with Serbia in case of a Kosovo recognition, and Serbia's problems putting together a new government, Grueski said that the Balkans has always been turbulent, and continues to be such today.

"There are always goings-on in the Balkans that baffle western politicians and analysts. We must try to reduce the number of such occurrences and events and to, through mutual understanding and tolerance, intensively prepare for Euro-Atlantic integrations, in other words, for EU and NATO membership," he said.

The Macedonian prime minister added that his government was unsure which of the possible cabinets in Serbia – a Radical or a Democrat-led– would prove to be a better partner.

"I don't know which one we would cooperate better with, since we know one [side] well, unlike the other. Still, since our government is strongly oriented toward Euro-Atlantic integrations, any cabinet in Serbia along the same lines will be our partner that we will have more understanding for," Grueski told the news agency.

Reacting to yesterday's Kosovo assembly speaker Jakup Krasniqi's comments that Macedonian elections were not free and that the ballot's results should be annulled, the Macedonian prime minister said that although he did not hear this statement earlier, "if it proves to be correct, it comes from people who have insufficient knowledge of the Macedonian circumstances , and myself as premier".

Gruevski stressed that trouble during the voting over the weekend, that included several shooting incidents and one fatality, occurred "only on two percent of the territory" and in ethnic Albanian regions of the country, and voiced hope that revotes in some polling stations in two weeks' time will be conducted peacefully.

The prime minister also addressed Macedonia's long standing dispute with Greece over the country's constitutional name. Although his party's coalition will have the absolute majority of 64 seats in the Sobranie – Macedonia's parliament – this is an issue to be solved through a joint platform of the government and the opposition, he said.

"The solution to the name dispute is not only up to us, but to Greece also. In theory, Greece can keep its veto on Macedonia's NATO membership for as long is it wants, but this is not good for Greece, either, as the alliance's member."

"Greece can keep asking for new conditions, but we will not accept a solution that would jeopardize our national identity," Grueski concluded.

Macedonia 'Waiting' Over Kosovo Border

Macedonia is still awaiting a response from Kosovo's authorities on demarcating their border, government spokesman Ivica Bocevski told media Tuesday.

The government has “officially contacted Pristina” about its proposal for a joint commission that would supervise the demarcation, Bocevski told media, explaining that it should start work “as soon as possible.”

The demarcation of the border was envisaged under the so-called Ahtisaari Plan, the blueprint detailing Kosovo's 'supervised independence,' devised by former United Nations envoy in the Kosovo dispute, Martti Ahtisaari.

According to the document, the joint commission should be formed within the first 120 days of Kosovo’s independence.

Its demarcation however is hampered by the fact that Macedonia has not yet recognised its northern neighbour, since it declared independence from Serbia on February 17.

In late February Kosovo’s deputy Prime Minister, Hajredin Kuki said his country will not be blackmailed over the border issue and argued that demarcation will commence after Skopje recognises Pristina. Read more at http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/main/news/8272/

Shortly after, Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski commenting on Pristina’s refusal to negotiate the demarcation said it is a “bad start for Kosovo's relations with Macedonia.”

Skopje signed a United Nations-verified agreement for border demarcation with Belgrade in 2001, since at the time Kosovo was legally part of Serbia.

However with Kosovo being administered by the UN, Pristina and Belgrade disputed who had the right to sign the agreement with Skopje and the border was effectively left unmarked.

Meanwhile Skopje’s Foreign Minister on a visit to the Netherlands on Tuesday said Macedonia’s recognition of its recently independent neighbour is not a simple matter.

“We are Kosovo’s neighbour and we wish to build good relations for decades to come but recognition should happen when all the preconditions for that are met,” Milososki said.

Macedonia claims it will closely monitor European Union and NATO positions, both organisations the country aspires to join, before making its own decision on recognition.

In Kosovo, sacrificing principles for oil

Once again the Bush administration is sacrificing its conservative principles to satisfy our nation’s seeming insatiable thirst for foreign oil.

The latest victims of our oil lust are the ethnic Serbs living in Kosovo. Until Feb. 18, Kosovo was part of Serbia. That changed overnight when Kosovo unilaterally declared independence.

The United States, Germany and the United Kingdom were quick to recognize Kosovo’s declaration. Russia and Serbia flatly rejected it.

Yes, folks, Kosovo’s independence is all about oil – at least from a Western perspective.

In a press release that gleaned little media attention in the United States, Switzerland’s Manas Petroleum Corp. announced on Jan. 10 that “Independent resource evaluation confirms existence of giant oil and gas prospects on Manas Petroleum’s Albanian exploration blocks.”

The announcement indicated that there are potentially 3 billion barrels of oil and 3 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in the areas explored. Some of these areas lie near Albania’s border with Kosovo.

Kosovo’s population is about 90 percent ethnic Albanian. The remaining 10 percent are nearly all ethnic Serbs. Under Tito, in the former Yugoslavia, Kosovo was a semi-autonomous region which enjoyed special political privileges in the Yugoslav system.

During the breakup of Yugoslavia, Serbia’s President Slobodon Milosevic stripped Kosovo of its autonomy and kept a tight grip on the ethnic Albanians through an internal security force composed almost exclusively of Serbs.

Serb domination of Kosovo ended when a NATO occupation force, the Kosovo Force (KFOR), forcibly interposed itself between the ethnic Albanians and Serb forces.

For the Serbs, Kosovo is a place of religious history and national pride. If the Serbs had an Alamo, it would be located in Kosovo. There, in an area that has become known as the Field of Blackbirds, thousands of Serbian “warrior saints” stood their ground in the 1389 Battle of Kosovo Polje, only to be slaughtered by the invading Ottoman Turks.

The Serbs continued to resist the Turks during the ensuing five centuries of Ottoman domination, which did not end until 1912, when Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria defeated the Ottomans in the First Balkans War. To this day, the Serbs view themselves as defenders of Christianity who held the line against the incursion of Islam into Western Europe.

During that famous battle, ethnic Albanians fought side by side with the Serbs against the Ottoman invaders. But during the subsequent years of Turkish rule, most Albanians adopted Islam, while the Serbs clung to their Orthodox Christian tradition. Today, Kosovo is the historical seat of the Serbian Orthodox Church.

During the aftermath of the breakup of Yugoslavia, rampaging ethnic Albanians reportedly destroyed more than 100 Orthodox monasteries and churches in Kosovo, some of which were nearly 1,000 years old. The UK Independent reported in November 1999 that the Albanian destruction of Serb holy sites in Kosovo continued even after NATO’s KFOR arrived.

Kosovo’s neighbor, Albania, is currently struggling to integrate with Western Europe. Islam in Albania today is something less than radical. In fact, the number of Christians in Albania may be nearly even with the number of Muslims.

However, the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG), a nonprofit, independent, nongovernmental organization that works to resolve world conflicts through diplomacy, reported in July 2006 that “a tiny but growing minority (in Albania) is turning toward Wahhabi Islam.”

This could spell future trouble for the West. The Wahhabis are a violent, extremist sect of Islam that originated in Saudi Arabia in the 18th century. It has been argued that Osama bin Laden had gravitated toward Wahhabi beliefs prior to the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

It appears the West sold out the Kosovo Serbs in order to gain assured access to Albania’s newly discovered petroleum reserves. Albania’s strategic location on the Adriatic Sea guarantees the West easy access to Albanian oil, without having to deal with unsavory governments.

In the coming months, look for a growing political support for Kosovo’s union with Albania to form a Greater Albania, something that would have been unimaginable only a few years ago.

The West will sit idly by as Albania expands its borders, knowing that a Greater Albania will be inclined to sell oil to the West and is not likely to be influenced by the Serbs and Russians.

After Kosovo, the next target for Albania will probably be its neighbor, the Republic of Macedonia. Ethnic Albanians make up nearly a third of the Macedonian population.

While it is doubtful that a Greater Albania could gobble up all of Macedonia, it may attempt to annex the ethnic Albanian areas of Macedonia contiguous to the Albania-Macedonia border.

Macedonia might just allow this to occur in order to hasten its admission to the European Union.

Zachary Hubbard is a retired Army officer residing in Upper Yoder Township. He served as the chief of intelligence assessments and senior Balkans intelligence analyst for the NATO Stabilization Force in the former Yugoslavia. Hubbard is a member of The Tribune-Democrat’s Readership Advisory Committee.

After Kosovo: Next Stop Greater Albania?

TETOVO, Macedonia -- Walk down any street in this Macedonian town and you would be forgiven for thinking that an international border has accidentally been crossed.

Stores have Albanian names, cafes have a distinctly Albanian flavor, and the red Albanian flag bearing a black double-headed eagle flutters on the streets.

Albanians form an overwhelming majority in an arc of northwestern Macedonia bordering predominantly Albanian Kosovo, which proclaimed its independence from Serbia this week. The same is true of slices of southern Serbia and Montenegro.

After Kosovo's leap toward self-determination, is the next step a Greater Albania to pool together the region's ethnic Albanians in a unified state?

Don't count on it.

The notion has been frequently floated in recent years, and there are some nationalist ethnic Albanians who advocate unification.

But there appears to be little overall public enthusiasm for it _ not in Albania itself, not in newly independent Kosovo, and not in Albanian-dominated areas of neighboring countries.

Part of the resistance lies in the markedly different experiences of Albanians in recent history.

Ethnic Albanians have not lived in a unified country since the Ottoman Empire's grip over the Balkans ended in the years before World War I.

In the intervening decades, they lived under dramatically different regimes. Enver Hoxha's brutal four-decade isolationist rule of Albania _ and that of his successor Ramiz Alia _ left his countrymen cut off from the outside world until the 1990s.

Life in Marshal Tito's Yugoslavia was more sophisticated, despite the restrictions of the communist regime.

So when Albania opened its international borders for the first time in 1991, Kosovars found they had little in common with their brethren to the southwest.

But Kosovars have also likely calculated that the move would be bad for their future as well.

It was tricky enough for the province to declare independence over the vehement objections of Serbia and Russia. Calling for a pan-Albanian state would likely provoke an even stronger response, not only from Serbia but from other Balkan neighbors.

The United States and EU heavyweights France, Germany and Britain would also probably oppose any abrupt move toward Albanian unification. And Kosovars know that their new _ and barely financially viable _ country depends on the goodwill of these Western states.

Kosovo may also find that being a sovereign country is preferable to becoming a province of a larger state once more.

Sabit Bunjaku, an economist in the Kosovo capital of Pristina, used to support the idea of a Greater Albania, but now thinks it should be laid to rest. "Our demands are being fulfilled, so why ask for more?" he said.

Despite the apparent apathy for the idea of Albanian unification, concerns do persist, particularly in Macedonia, where ethnic Albanian rebels took up arms against government forces in 2001, launching a six-month conflict.

"The biggest fear for me, as a Macedonian, is that Kosovo's independence will bring only partition for Macedonia," said Marina Stevcevska, an economist in the capital, Skopje.

For its part, impoverished Albania has set its sights firmly on eventually joining the European Union and NATO _ with all the financial benefits that could bring _ and most politicians seem unwilling to jeopardize those goals.

In the end, Albanians might indeed find a unity of sorts _ under the umbrella of an expanded European Union.

Theodore Couloumbis, professor of international relations at the University of Athens, said that he sees two options for the Balkans.

They could go the route of seeking "to redefine the map, to regain or to gain territories," Couloumbis said.

The other path, he said, "and the one I hope that most people in the Balkans are opting for, is the European option."

Macedonia doesn't rush things with Kosovo

Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski reiterated government's stance today that Macedonia will be careful in bringing decisions after declaration of Kosovo's independence.

Gruevski refused to give a concrete answer on whether will Macedonia recognize the independence of Kosovo, pointing out that the national and state interests will be taken into consideration.

"Kosovo is taking steps towards implementation of the Ahtisaari's plan. We are following closely the situation there as well as in Serbia. Macedonia has ethnically mixed population and we will make all future decision in line with the state and national interests," Gruevski said in Skopje today.

Mahmuti: Skopje shows arrogance by dragging recognition of Kosova

The Chairperson of the Albanian Democratic Union in Macedonia (BDSH), Bardhyl Mahmuti said today in Tetova that the dragging of the recognition of Kosova’s independence shows the arrogance of the authorities of Skopje.

Moreover, in a press conference Mahmuti evaluated that Albanians of Macedonia have played an important role in the historical process of Kosova’s independence.

“The dignifying celebration of Albanians of Macedonia was right. Kosova’s independence is the wish of every Albanian, no matter the party distinctions. The declaration of Kosova’s independence by Hashim Thaçi concluded the results of a collective sacrifice,” Mahmuti said.

Macedonia's decision on Kosovo recognition based on state interests

As regards the recognition of Kosovo independence, Macedonia will take into account the national interests and the consultations with the US and the EU, Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski said.

The remarks were made at today's joint press conference with Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha. Gruevski stressed that Macedonia has developed excellent relationship with the Kosovo's government.

Gruevski and Berisha praised Skopje-Tirana relations, adding that both countries are ready to press ahead with realization of joint projects.

The two prime ministers rolled out plans for construction of Skopje-Tirana railway, construction of Corridor 8 and the participation in AMBO projects.

Gruevski and Berisha announced opening of a new border crossing Dzepiste-Trebiste near Debar.

DUI calls Macedonia to recognize Kosovo

The MPs from the opposition Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) "are calling and inviting the Macedonian state leadership to recognize Kosovo's independence," says DUI's press release, issued Sunday afternoon, immediately after declaration of Kosovo's independence.

DUI addressed the call for recognition of Kosovo as an independent and sovereign state to the President Branko Crvenkovski, Parliament Speaker Ljubisa Georgievski and Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski.

"We strongly believe that in this historic moment, we will be capable of making courageous and just decisions, because Macedonia now has a neighboring country with identical orientation, a good neighbor, friend and a strategic partner in our shared Euro-Atlantic commitments," says the request sent by DUI's deputies.

A large number of DUI's members of and supporters answered the call of the party to celebrate today in Skopje the proclamation of independence of Kosovo by singing songs and firing gunshots in the air.

Albanians in Balkans celebrate Kosovan independence

Albanians across the Balkans celebrated Kosovo's independence on Sunday as the sign of a better future for a people scattered across several countries.

Even before the parliament of the Albanian-majority province formally declared independence from Serbia, thousands of people took to the streets in the Albanian capital Tirana, waving flags and celebrating with bands and dancers in folk costumes.

"I bought a flag to put on the grave of my father who wished all his life to see this day," said Gjylhan Hyka Ahmeti, whose family hails from the Kosovan town of Djakovica.

Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha, born near Albania's mountainous eastern border with Kosovo, said it was the "most beautiful day" of his life.

"The Balkans today is freer than ever," he told Reuters Television, saying independence "ushers in a new era of nations working for a better future in peace and cooperation".

Albanians say they are descended from ancient Illyrians, one of the original peoples of the Balkans. Their distinct culture is based on a code of honor and strong clan and family ties.

Their language is completely unrelated to its Greek and Slav neighbors. Most are very liberal Muslims, but a strong minority is Christian, like the late Mother Teresa, a beloved figure.

In Macedonia, where Albanians make up a quarter of the population, thousands gathered to celebrate in the Tetovo region and in the capital Skopje. Crowds blocked streets in the city, singing and waving the red-and-black Albanian flag.

Volleys of gunfire were heard in Skopje -- a long-standing Balkan custom in times of celebration.

"This is a great day for all Albanians, wherever they live," said Musaref Bislimi, mayor of Aracinovo, a village near Skopje that saw heavy fighting during an ethnic Albanian insurgency in 2001.

Fears mounted during that period that Albanians were gearing up for a fight to unite Kosovo with other Albanian areas in Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania proper into "Greater Albania".

The six-month uprising in Macedonia came close to igniting full-scale civil war before NATO and the EU brokered a peace accord offering the Albanian minority greater rights.

In Montenegro, where Albanians account for 7 percent of the 600,000 population, people watched the declaration from Kosovo live on television in cafes and betting shops.

Celebrations in ethnic Albanian areas in southern Serbia were less raucous, reflecting the unease in an area where Albanian guerrillas took up arms in 2000-01 but which remains part of Serbia. Albanians there still seek union with Kosovo.

Western mediation brought that uprising to an end.

"This is a victory for all Albanians," local ex-rebel leader Jonuz Musliu told Reuters. "We also played a small part in it."

One Albanian resident of the south Serbian town of Presevo said everyone there had headed for Kosovo.

"They're giving out everything free of charge there, in all the restaurants and pubs," Nexhad Beluli told Serbia's Tanjug news agency.

Macedonia in No Rush over Kosovo

Macedonia will recognize neighbouring Kosovo two or three weeks after its independence is declared, in the hope of avoiding possible retaliation from Serbia, according to local press reports.

Macedonia would wait for “at least 15 EU countries to recognize Kosovo first”, before it takes the same step, a “well informed” source was quoted as saying in Friday’s edition of the daily Utrinski Vesnik.

The remarks echoed the views of Macedonia’s President, Branko Crvenkovski, who told local media that his country “will certainly not be among the first to recognize Kosovo’s independence”.

Over the past few days, senior Skopje officials have kept silent over possible Kosovo-Serbia scenarios, repeating that the country remains loyal to EU and NATO policy over the disputed territory.

“I will not comment on hypothetical questions,” government spokesman Ivica Bocevski told Balkan Insight on Friday, when asked what Macedonia would do in case of Serbian retaliation.

Biljana Vankovska from the Institute for Peace and Defence Studies in Skopje argues that the Kosovo’s independence declaration must be addressed carefully in order not to jeopardize Macedonia’s good relations with Serbia.

“Macedonia’s economy, energy and infrastructure are closely tied with Serbia,” Vankovska told Balkan Insight on Thursday explaining that possible prolonged retaliatory measures from Belgrade could provoke social instability in the country.

“The perspectives of Kosovo market are a cold comfort for Macedonia’s economy,” she says.

In January, Serbia's government adopted a secret plan to counter Kosovo’s independence. Media suggested that among others, retaliatory measures might be imposed against countries that recognize the new state.

No details about possible recognition of independence were given after Friday’s previously unannounced meeting between the Macedonia and Kosovo Prime Ministers.

The two premiers discussed cooperation and the planned demarcation of the Macedonia-Kosovo.

It is widely expected that the disputed province will declare its independence in a matter of days. Media reports mention Sunday as the most probable date.

Macedonia borders both Kosovo and Serbia.

While Skopje’s economy and infrastructure are linked in large part with Serbia, Kosovo’s main supply route passes trough Macedonia.

No "Greater Albania" wave seen from Kosovo

Kosovo Albanian independence from Serbia will boost the confidence of Albanians in neighboring Macedonia, but prospects of EU membership will outweigh dreams of a "Greater Albania", political leaders say.

Albanians form a 90 percent majority in Kosovo, which is set to declare independence on Sunday. Macedonia's Albanians are a 25 percent minority.

Ethnic Albanian leaders say the best insurance against Macedonia breaking up in ethnic conflict as it nearly did in 2001 is the country's membership in NATO soon and in the European Union in a few years.

"Why talk about building or removing classical borders when Europe has drawn lessons from its old conflicts and decided to build a joint future for its states?" said Ali Ahmeti, head of Macedonia's main Albanian political party.

"We love this country as much as the Macedonians love it," he told Reuters. "Long-term stability in Macedonia will be achieved by solving the problem of Albanians living in Kosovo. It is a victory for us, too.

In 2001, Ahmeti led a 6-month uprising which came close to igniting full-scale civil war, before NATO and the EU brokered peace talks that resulted in more rights for Albanians.

Fears mounted during that period that Albanians were gearing up for a fight to unite all the lands they live in Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro, with the republic of Albania. The mountainous borders between them are porous, and weapons left over from Albania's paranoid Stalinist dictatorship abound.

But opportunities offered by a common future in the EU and the NATO alliance seem to have overtaken the old dream of a single ethnic Albanian state.

Macedonia needs to be cautious over Kosovo issue: Macedonian opposition leader

Macedonia needs to be cautious and a little bit selfish over Kosovo issue, which is closely linked to regional stability, the opposition SDSM leader Radmila Sekerinska said, as quoted by the Macedonian Makfax.
The remarks by the leader of the country's largest opposition party were made at a panel discussion in Ohrid.
"We need to protect our interests, maintain the good neighborly relations and take care about the national interest. Macedonia must be safe and stable, and the country must have its borders that are confirmed by international agreements," Sekerinska said.
She blamed the government of playing childish games just six weeks before the most important event for Macedonia, the NATO invitation, as it is inadmissible to postpone meetings of political leaders.
Asked by a reporter whether Macedonia is under pressure to change its name, Sekerinska made clear that no choice could be made between NATO and the name.
"Macedonia has the necessary capacity to get an invitation to NATO membership and to preserve its constitutional name, but unfortunately, the government is wasting time on government allies rather than solving these problems, Sekerinska said.
The ongoing diplomatic drive should have happened much earlier, Sekerinska said, adding that the government overlooked the name dispute with Greece and made a number of moves that affected the country's international position.
Sekerinska, however, sounded optimistic as regards the NATO membership invitation during the Bucharest summit, as the international community cannot risk another crisis in the Balkan.