One of the most important post-Cold War NATO summits is over. The results should be scrutinized by President Bush and his advisors. Actually is was them who sup-ported a specific single-dimensional policy in a number of issues that drove American diplomacy to isolation and brought to the surface, once again, the division within the Atlantic Alliance.
One of these stemmed from the divergent views between Greece and the US over the "Macedonian" issue created by Yugoslav leader in 1945 with the establishment of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, today Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
The issue has been a dormant volcano for decades since Greeks worries about the overt and covert expressions of irredentist claims against its northernmost province Macedonia because of NATO´s policy. NATO supported Tito in its effort to emanci-pate from the Soviet Union and after this became a political reality overlaid Greek worries for 45 years. The need to support the enemy of our enemy prevailed over the legitimate concern of an ally who eventually was used to support the geopolitics of the West.
The "Macedonian Issue", a time-proof dispute in the Balkans, first emerged as a side-effect of the evolution of the "Eastern Question" and the liberation of the Ottoman conquests, namely the Balkan peoples, who gradually rose against the conqueror and attempted to set up their territorial bases with a view to forming nation-states. In a sense it emerged as the result of antagonism among Balkan nation-states that wished to get the lion´s share from the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. Yet, the course to liberation had hardly finished when Balkan peoples turned against each other, in order to secure a greater territorial chunk out of the Balkan peninsula, a policy that led contending Balkan nationalisms to clash. In the inter-war and post second World War era, the dispute was rooted in the rivalry over control of geographical Macedonia.
In the post-Cold War era the re-emergence of the issue triggered heated arguments as to how legitimate Balkan nationalisms were and how they should be treated. The pro-tection of human rights seemed to have clashed with the axiom of respect for the terri-torial status, a trend that established a new "paradigm" in the international political arena. The difficulty in adopting a balanced policy in the post-Cold War Balkans lied in drawing a line between post-communist nationalism and its legitimate aim in estab-lishing or strengthening national identities as a part of the de-communisation process and overt of covert irredentism that threatened the fragile territorial status in the Bal-kans. As a matter of ideology the West acknowledged, to a certain degree, emerging nationalistic trends in the Balkans as an expression of long-suppressed freedom of ex-pression, individual or ethnic, as well as cultural diversification that have been mar-ginalised dramatically under the homogenising cloak of the communist ideology.
The Greek-FYROM conflict over the latter´s constitutional name has two main as-pects. One is political and related to regional security and border stability. The second is historical. This aspect appears to have dominated the approaches of outsiders who have not studied the politics and ethnological features and perplexity of the region. Post-Cold War Balkan nationalism were evaluated as "new and legitimate", yet this evalua-tion did not provide a "ceiling" of legitimacy that would allow analysts to draw a line be-tween "legitimate" and "non-legitimate" nationalism.
Under this spectrum history became the weapon in the hands of nationalists trying to legiti-mize irredentist claims. This to remind everyone that the issue is not primarily or exclusively an issue over historical accuracy and continuity. Originally both sides turned the dis-pute into a fudge over history, while the conflict bears significance in the security level and ought to be seen through the degree of legitimacy of the need of Balkan peoples, living under oppressing communist regimes, to express their cultural identity.
To outsiders it has always been an expression of Balkan irrationality in a region lack-ing natural resources and an advanced political culture. This was rather evident even today in the caricature of the Greek Prime Minister, K. Karamanlis wearing a Nazi outfit published in Skopje or the Greek flag with the Nazi symbols. To the Greek peo-ple it was an act of insult to a nation that has offered so much in the war against Na-zism.
The quest for "historical accuracy" became the sole means of establishing an ethnic identity and a powerful ideological weapon in the hands of nationalists. As pointed out, "at times…modern nationalists propagate by rewriting history and backdating their own modern concepts on to history…In the modern world, nations can in certain circumstances and under certain conditions be seen to be created…a process of eth-nogenesis" (Hugh Poulton, Who are the Macedonians, Hurst & Company, (London, 1995), p.3). However, the suggested ethnogenesis or ethnic emancipation process should not be done at the expense of another national identity, as the "birth" of an ethnic identity may be a threat to another nation. The creation or emancipation of an ethnic group may also take place at the cost of eliminating historical facts, which become the target of nationalism. Here "nationalism" is defined as "an activist ideological movement which aims to unite all members of a given people on the basis of a putative shared culture".
The question that needs to be answered is whether nationalism was behind Slav Ma-cedonian claims over Greek history, and the implied association of Slav Macedonians with Greek Macedonia. It may be so, since "history often assumes enormous signifi-cance for nationalists", who use it "to show the past control of a territory by a state to which the modern nation can claim affinity" (Hugh Poulton ). This may provide expla-nation as to why Slav Macedonian nationalists engaged themselves in a process of rebuilding history, in their own image to fit their political aims. I have been a witness of the insane logic of "liberating" Greek Macedonia as a young student in Toronto Canada (1981) when a man of age told me in perfect Greek that it was "his duty to liberate Greek Macedonia from Greece". It was the first time I had ever heard of the issue and this illustrates that NATO policy to support Tito during the Cold War has been successful. Even Greeks ignored the issue since the Greek governments followed NATO´s dictates and managed to hide an issue that today constitutes the kernel of the Greek-FYROM dispute.
A solution is so much needed and this is to everyone´s interest. However, national identities, whether they are true or constructed, they cannot change overnight even after a political decision. Diasporas operate on a psychological framework that estab-lishes powerful links with the past. Actually this may explain why Slav Macedonians aim at uniting parts of geographical Macedonia and blatantly ignore the fact that the Macedonian ethnicity was established with a Cominform decision and that it was a mater of ideology. Article 2 of the stature of the establishment (April 1926) of the "United I.M.R.O" set the ideological, political and intellectual framework for the creation of a "united and independent Macedonia", which was to become the "Swit-zerland of the Balkans". It propagated that a "the free and independent Macedonian state will be established on the basis of the entire equality of national, political, civil, and cultural rights for all the nationalities which inhabit it".
Comintern attempted to enhance relations among Balkan peoples, in order to boost the so desired "ideological homogeneity" of the Balkans. From the catalytic 1934 Comintern thinking, concerning the "Macedonian Question", that dominated the agenda of the communist gathering, D. Vlahov, leader of VMRO in Bulgaria recalls: "I mentioned earlier that the Comintern itself wanted the Macedonian question con-sidered at one of the consultations of its executive committee. One day I was in-formed that the consultation would be held. And so it was. Before it convened, the inner leadership of the committee had already reached its stand, including the ques-tion of the Macedonian nation,…It was concluded that the Macedonian nation exists" (Dimitar Vlahov, Memoari, Skopjie, 1970), p. 357). It seems that the existence or not of a single "Macedonian nation" became the central issue of a rather philosophical, an-thropological debate, that could not establish its existence through tangible, epistemo-logical criteria, a fact that dictated the recognition of a "Macedonian Nation" through an ideological formulae.
In the process the American administrations expressed their concern over irredentism against Greek Macedonia. This revisionist policy caused immediate American re-sponse to the issue, expressed by Secretary of State Edward Stettinius, who categori-cally denied the existence of a "Macedonian nation", stating: "The Department has noted with considerable apprehension increasing propaganda rumours and semi-official statements in favour of an autonomous Macedonia, emanating principally from Bulgaria, but also from Yugoslav Partisan and other sources, with the implica-tion that Greek territory would be included in the projected state. This Government considers talk of Macedonian "nation", Macedonian "Fatherland", or Macedonian "national consciousness" to be unjustified demagoguery representing no ethnic nor political reality, and sees in its present revival a possible cloak for aggressive inten-tions against Greece" (Foreign Relations of the United States, 1945, vol. VIII, The Near East and Africa, (Washington, 1969), pp. 302-303).
Again, T. Niles, American ambassador to Athens, made the following statement in 2361992: "the Communist regime of Tito had created the Republic of Macedonia with a view to annexing northern Greece"; (Hearing before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East, June 23, 1992, Washington: US Government Printing Office, p. 14).
All the above would not matter today if history die not operate as the basis of modern irredentism. Greece and FYROM can and should be parts of the same alliance that has offered so much in European security after the Second World War. Yet, this should be done in a way that does not leave space for future misunderstandings.
The ontological and critical question that rises then is why should Greece deny its neighbours their right to identify themselves as they wish. After all this appears to be linked with the right of a small nation to survive a hostile environment under an im-minent Albanian threat. Greece does nor certainly constitute an actual threat to the country´s survival. It has made substantial compromises although personally I think that name issue is not the most important. What is important is to look ahead into the future and construct it with new material not the leftovers of the communist era. Greece supports the FYROM´s bid for NATO and EU accession not because it is an altruistic state but simply because it serves stability and development in the region. The rules for such a strategic engagement are now clear to everyone, including the US.
Saturday, April 05, 2008
Unbefitting Behavior
f NATO cannot pressure Greece to lift its childish blockade of Macedonia’s membership bid, the EU should.
Amid the fanfare of an agreement over US missile defense plans and the rejected membership aspirations of Georgia and Ukraine, news on NATO’s Bucharest summit largely overlooked the fate of Macedonia – or the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), as the country has been ingloriously called since it joined the United Nations in 1993.
While Albania and Croatia both received invitations to join the alliance, Macedonia was left waiting outside after Greece, to the chagrin of NATO’s leadership, blocked Skopje’s bid. There were no claims from Athens of a lack of military readiness on the part of the Macedonians, only a refusal to budge in the long-running debate with the country over its constitutional name. Since 1991, after Macedonia gained independence from the former Yugoslavia, Greece has protested again the use of “Macedonia” and “Republic of Macedonia” because it sees the name as implying a territorial claim on Greece’s northern Macedonia province.
A NOT SO GREAT DISPUTE
The claim that Macedonia has designs on northern Greece appears patently absurd. Even the most fervent nationalist would be hard-pressed to explain how a poor country of 2 million could ever possibly hope to conquer a neighbor so much larger, richer, and more powerful. And precisely NATO membership serves to contain territorial ambitions and historic animosities.
The Greeks don’t need to look far for an example: NATO’s wise decision of 1952 to accept both Turkey and Greece has surely been a key factor in preventing disputes over Cyprus, as well as Aegean airspace and sovereignty, from escalating into war. More recently, the entry of Hungary, along with the other Central European states, helped assuage regional fears over Hungarian irredentism. If anything, Greeks would have less to fear if Macedonia joined the alliance.
Clearly, there is more at stake here, and it would be difficult not to assume that the wildly unpopular government of Greek Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis has continued to use the name dispute to fuel its own flagging support and preserve its narrow parliamentary majority. A recent poll showed that 84 percent of Greeks approved of Greece vetoing Macedonia’s NATO bid if no compromise could be reached in time. The opposition, seeing the opinion polls, has also shamelessly sided with the government.
Yet, as TOL has reported, Greeks and Macedonians that deal with each other on a daily basis have no such problems getting along and hardly care about the name issue. They just want to get on with business.
The Macedonians haven’t really helped matters either. The decision in December 2006 to rename the airport in Skopje after Alexander the Great, whom the Greeks consider a central part of their heritage, was predictably viewed as a provocation. Was it really that difficult to pick another name, especially when the Greeks already have Megas Alexandros International Airport at Kavala in the neighboring Greek region of Macedonia? And this past week, in a case of extremely poor timing, billboards appeared around Skopje showing the Greek, blue-and-white-striped flag with a swastika instead of the classic cross. While the authorities were not responsible – the posters advertised a private art show – their reaction was slow, and only in response to an official diplomatic complaint.
LET COOLER HEADS PREVAIL
The repercussions of a delayed NATO bid are very real. For many in Macedonia, the name issue festers, heightening their feelings of insecurity and defensiveness and feeding their nationalistic inclinations. Before the Bucharest summit, approximately 90 percent of the population supported membership. The decision to send soldiers to Iraq and Afghanistan was largely supported as a fair price to pay for possible acceptance into the alliance. And, importantly, the common goal of membership served to unite the country’s two main ethnic groups, the Slavic Macedonians and Albanians, whose skirmishes in 2001 nearly erupted into a fully-fledged war.
Now all bets are off and the future unclear. The disappointment in Skopje gave rise to countless interpretations over what had transpired in Bucharest and what should be done. Some ethnic Macedonians – already much more inclined than Albanians to say the name issue is more crucial than NATO membership – have called for an end to any negotiations over the name and even suspending the agreement that allowed the country to enter the United Nations under the FYROM designation.
Others have talked of bringing the soldiers back, cutting off all ties with Greece, and forgetting altogether about membership in the EU and NATO. They see Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence and subsequent recognition by much of the international community and wonder why they shouldn’t try to gain recognition of the country by its constitutional name. Not surprisingly, support for NATO has sharply fallen.
Hopefully (and probably), cooler heads will prevail and the sting of rejection will wear off in a matter of weeks, if not days. NATO membership should remain front and center in Macedonia’s ambitions – even if it won’t obviously be a quick fix for all of the country’s ills, especially its 35 percent unemployment rate. But, as proponents of enlargement tirelessly argued before several Central European states were accepted in 1999, membership does convey a very real sense of reliability to the outside world, including potential investors. It is also, at least psychologically, a big stepping stone on the way to membership in the EU, both for the country itself (progress does have its rewards) and EU member states (if they joined one elite club, they might be ready soon for ours).
BALL NOW IN BRUSSELS’ COURT
At every other instance of nationalism in the Balkans, in Central Europe, and elsewhere, there is incessant hand-wringing in Brussels, followed by a flurry of communiqués condemning the alleged perpetrators, calling for calm, and threatening this or that state that its actions could impede possible membership. Greece, on the other hand, has gotten away with blocking a country’s movement toward stability and prosperity over nothing more than a name that harms its pride over its glorious history and supposedly suggests territorial ambitions.
Are there really no buttons to push to force the Greeks to concede? While one may not agree with the view of some NATO states to postpone membership for Georgia and Ukraine so as not to antagonize Russia, it is surely an opinion to be taken seriously. But Greece? We are hardly talking here about a European powerhouse that drives the continent, politically or economically – a country to fear one way or another.
We have now reached a point where the EU, supposedly all about quenching such disputes on its territory, should consider isolating Greece. Only eight years ago, after Jörg Haider’s far-right Freedom Party joined a coalition government in Austria, EU member states stopped cooperating with Vienna. While the effectiveness of those “political sanctions” has been debated, something of the sort should at least be considered for an EU member state clearly engaging in a nationalistic, populist game with public opinion – a member state twice condemned by the European Court of Human Rights for its attempts to ban an association and a political party representing the Macedonian minority.
A precedent for a hard-line stance with Greece does exist. Back in 1994, Greece imposed a trade embargo on Macedonia over the name issue, cutting off the country from the port of Thessaloniki. Angered about the impact on Macedonia, already suffering because of an existing UN embargo on Yugoslavia to the north, the European Commission took Greece to the EU’s European Court of Justice, doubly embarrassing because Greece headed the EU presidency at the time.
Similar pressure today could, in the end, also serve as a face-saving measure for the Greek government. To be fair to today’s politicians, their intransigence is a product of the poor diplomacy of their predecessors and their tendency to play the nationalist card. Pushed into a corner over the name issue – where compromise would be viewed as failure – Karamanlis could instead blame the EU. He could say he had no other choice but to compromise, or face isolation. After 17 years, it’s time for a change in tactics.
Amid the fanfare of an agreement over US missile defense plans and the rejected membership aspirations of Georgia and Ukraine, news on NATO’s Bucharest summit largely overlooked the fate of Macedonia – or the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), as the country has been ingloriously called since it joined the United Nations in 1993.
While Albania and Croatia both received invitations to join the alliance, Macedonia was left waiting outside after Greece, to the chagrin of NATO’s leadership, blocked Skopje’s bid. There were no claims from Athens of a lack of military readiness on the part of the Macedonians, only a refusal to budge in the long-running debate with the country over its constitutional name. Since 1991, after Macedonia gained independence from the former Yugoslavia, Greece has protested again the use of “Macedonia” and “Republic of Macedonia” because it sees the name as implying a territorial claim on Greece’s northern Macedonia province.
A NOT SO GREAT DISPUTE
The claim that Macedonia has designs on northern Greece appears patently absurd. Even the most fervent nationalist would be hard-pressed to explain how a poor country of 2 million could ever possibly hope to conquer a neighbor so much larger, richer, and more powerful. And precisely NATO membership serves to contain territorial ambitions and historic animosities.
The Greeks don’t need to look far for an example: NATO’s wise decision of 1952 to accept both Turkey and Greece has surely been a key factor in preventing disputes over Cyprus, as well as Aegean airspace and sovereignty, from escalating into war. More recently, the entry of Hungary, along with the other Central European states, helped assuage regional fears over Hungarian irredentism. If anything, Greeks would have less to fear if Macedonia joined the alliance.
Clearly, there is more at stake here, and it would be difficult not to assume that the wildly unpopular government of Greek Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis has continued to use the name dispute to fuel its own flagging support and preserve its narrow parliamentary majority. A recent poll showed that 84 percent of Greeks approved of Greece vetoing Macedonia’s NATO bid if no compromise could be reached in time. The opposition, seeing the opinion polls, has also shamelessly sided with the government.
Yet, as TOL has reported, Greeks and Macedonians that deal with each other on a daily basis have no such problems getting along and hardly care about the name issue. They just want to get on with business.
The Macedonians haven’t really helped matters either. The decision in December 2006 to rename the airport in Skopje after Alexander the Great, whom the Greeks consider a central part of their heritage, was predictably viewed as a provocation. Was it really that difficult to pick another name, especially when the Greeks already have Megas Alexandros International Airport at Kavala in the neighboring Greek region of Macedonia? And this past week, in a case of extremely poor timing, billboards appeared around Skopje showing the Greek, blue-and-white-striped flag with a swastika instead of the classic cross. While the authorities were not responsible – the posters advertised a private art show – their reaction was slow, and only in response to an official diplomatic complaint.
LET COOLER HEADS PREVAIL
The repercussions of a delayed NATO bid are very real. For many in Macedonia, the name issue festers, heightening their feelings of insecurity and defensiveness and feeding their nationalistic inclinations. Before the Bucharest summit, approximately 90 percent of the population supported membership. The decision to send soldiers to Iraq and Afghanistan was largely supported as a fair price to pay for possible acceptance into the alliance. And, importantly, the common goal of membership served to unite the country’s two main ethnic groups, the Slavic Macedonians and Albanians, whose skirmishes in 2001 nearly erupted into a fully-fledged war.
Now all bets are off and the future unclear. The disappointment in Skopje gave rise to countless interpretations over what had transpired in Bucharest and what should be done. Some ethnic Macedonians – already much more inclined than Albanians to say the name issue is more crucial than NATO membership – have called for an end to any negotiations over the name and even suspending the agreement that allowed the country to enter the United Nations under the FYROM designation.
Others have talked of bringing the soldiers back, cutting off all ties with Greece, and forgetting altogether about membership in the EU and NATO. They see Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence and subsequent recognition by much of the international community and wonder why they shouldn’t try to gain recognition of the country by its constitutional name. Not surprisingly, support for NATO has sharply fallen.
Hopefully (and probably), cooler heads will prevail and the sting of rejection will wear off in a matter of weeks, if not days. NATO membership should remain front and center in Macedonia’s ambitions – even if it won’t obviously be a quick fix for all of the country’s ills, especially its 35 percent unemployment rate. But, as proponents of enlargement tirelessly argued before several Central European states were accepted in 1999, membership does convey a very real sense of reliability to the outside world, including potential investors. It is also, at least psychologically, a big stepping stone on the way to membership in the EU, both for the country itself (progress does have its rewards) and EU member states (if they joined one elite club, they might be ready soon for ours).
BALL NOW IN BRUSSELS’ COURT
At every other instance of nationalism in the Balkans, in Central Europe, and elsewhere, there is incessant hand-wringing in Brussels, followed by a flurry of communiqués condemning the alleged perpetrators, calling for calm, and threatening this or that state that its actions could impede possible membership. Greece, on the other hand, has gotten away with blocking a country’s movement toward stability and prosperity over nothing more than a name that harms its pride over its glorious history and supposedly suggests territorial ambitions.
Are there really no buttons to push to force the Greeks to concede? While one may not agree with the view of some NATO states to postpone membership for Georgia and Ukraine so as not to antagonize Russia, it is surely an opinion to be taken seriously. But Greece? We are hardly talking here about a European powerhouse that drives the continent, politically or economically – a country to fear one way or another.
We have now reached a point where the EU, supposedly all about quenching such disputes on its territory, should consider isolating Greece. Only eight years ago, after Jörg Haider’s far-right Freedom Party joined a coalition government in Austria, EU member states stopped cooperating with Vienna. While the effectiveness of those “political sanctions” has been debated, something of the sort should at least be considered for an EU member state clearly engaging in a nationalistic, populist game with public opinion – a member state twice condemned by the European Court of Human Rights for its attempts to ban an association and a political party representing the Macedonian minority.
A precedent for a hard-line stance with Greece does exist. Back in 1994, Greece imposed a trade embargo on Macedonia over the name issue, cutting off the country from the port of Thessaloniki. Angered about the impact on Macedonia, already suffering because of an existing UN embargo on Yugoslavia to the north, the European Commission took Greece to the EU’s European Court of Justice, doubly embarrassing because Greece headed the EU presidency at the time.
Similar pressure today could, in the end, also serve as a face-saving measure for the Greek government. To be fair to today’s politicians, their intransigence is a product of the poor diplomacy of their predecessors and their tendency to play the nationalist card. Pushed into a corner over the name issue – where compromise would be viewed as failure – Karamanlis could instead blame the EU. He could say he had no other choice but to compromise, or face isolation. After 17 years, it’s time for a change in tactics.
Friday, April 04, 2008
No. That’s Not Your Name!
As someone whose research and teaching center on modern Eastern Europe, the most recent news from across the Atlantic is just more fodder for a great lecture. For the umpteenth time, the Greek government has vetoed Macedonia’s entry into a European structure–in this case NATO–because those pesky Macedonians persist in calling their country Macedonia. Can you believe the nerve of those guys?
If you have followed events in the Balkans since 1989 at all, you know that this particular comic opera is one of the few comedic moments since the wars in the former Yugoslavia began. If you haven’t been following Balkan events, read on to find out why the Macedonian ambassador to the United Nations has to site behind a nameplate that reads FYROM rather than Macedonia. That’s Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for those not up on the abbreviations.
The root of the problem is a dispute about history, which is why this story makes a good lecture topic. Any Greek nationalist worth his or her stripes will tell you that the ancient kingdom of Macedon was a Greek state. And any Macedonian nationalist worth his or her stripes would shake his or her head and with great weariness remind you that, no, Macedon was a Macedonian kingdom and so when Alexander the Great conquered the rest of the Greek states, Greece became Macedonian, not the other way around.
For something like 2,000 years no one thought to argue about whether that territory north of what is now the Greek state was or wasn’t Macedonia. But in the late 19th century the new Balkan kingdoms of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece all cast their covetous eyes on the place. During the Balkan Wars that preceded World War I, some of the worst fighting was in and over Macedonia.
After World War II, though, the real trouble started, because Greek communist fighters operating out of Yugoslavia tried to topple the Greek government and many Greeks came to believe that Tito had named his country’s southernmost province Macedonia as a way of claiming sovereignty over northern Greece.
But so what? The communist insurgency failed and Yugoslavia behaved. The name of that southern Yugoslav province still rankled plenty of people in Greece, but in the end, what was there to do? I suppose there are people in Mexico who don’t like the fact that the United States has a state called New Mexico either.
The real trouble started after the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991. Can you believe it? The people who call themselves “Macedonians” and who speak a language called “Macedonian” decided to call their new country “Macedonia.”
No! No! No! The Greeks shouted. Posters, buttons, bumper stickers, even patriotic songs (in Greek) trumpeted the slogan “Macedonia is Greek!” And the Greek government used its leverage as a NATO, EC (later EU) and UN member to prevent the newly independent Macedonian state from calling itself Macedonia, hence the FYROM compromise.
When I was living in Slovakia in the mid-1990s I met a American human rights lawyer who was working in Macedonia. He had recently traveled to Greece for a conference and when he crossed the border into northern Greece, the border guards stamped “Invalidated” (in Greek) on his Macedonian visa and work permit. Not surprisingly, when he returned to Macedonia, the Macedonian border guards just shrugged and snickered at those silly Greek border guards.
As recently as this past February, the U.S. State Department proposed what we might call the “New Mexico” solution, trying to convince the Macedonians to call their state “New Macedonia” in their membership in various multilateral organizations like NATO and the UN. Wisely, the Macedonians declined.
During the height of the first phase of this controversy in the 1990s, a Bulgarian friend told me that Bulgaria’s foreign minister had proposed that the Macedonians try something similar. His suggestion was that they call their country “Not Macedonia”. That way, whenever the Greeks complained, they could say, “But it’s Not Macedonia.” I have no idea if this story is true or not, but if it is, I think it’s the best solution anyone has come up with.
I’ll conclude by pointing out that the Macedonians are definitely winning the naming dispute, all aggravations about NATO membership to the contrary. The Wikipedia entry for Macedonia calls the country the Republic of Macedonia or just Macedonia. And if Wikipedia says that’s your name, well, that’s your name…isn’t it?
If you have followed events in the Balkans since 1989 at all, you know that this particular comic opera is one of the few comedic moments since the wars in the former Yugoslavia began. If you haven’t been following Balkan events, read on to find out why the Macedonian ambassador to the United Nations has to site behind a nameplate that reads FYROM rather than Macedonia. That’s Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for those not up on the abbreviations.
The root of the problem is a dispute about history, which is why this story makes a good lecture topic. Any Greek nationalist worth his or her stripes will tell you that the ancient kingdom of Macedon was a Greek state. And any Macedonian nationalist worth his or her stripes would shake his or her head and with great weariness remind you that, no, Macedon was a Macedonian kingdom and so when Alexander the Great conquered the rest of the Greek states, Greece became Macedonian, not the other way around.
For something like 2,000 years no one thought to argue about whether that territory north of what is now the Greek state was or wasn’t Macedonia. But in the late 19th century the new Balkan kingdoms of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece all cast their covetous eyes on the place. During the Balkan Wars that preceded World War I, some of the worst fighting was in and over Macedonia.
After World War II, though, the real trouble started, because Greek communist fighters operating out of Yugoslavia tried to topple the Greek government and many Greeks came to believe that Tito had named his country’s southernmost province Macedonia as a way of claiming sovereignty over northern Greece.
But so what? The communist insurgency failed and Yugoslavia behaved. The name of that southern Yugoslav province still rankled plenty of people in Greece, but in the end, what was there to do? I suppose there are people in Mexico who don’t like the fact that the United States has a state called New Mexico either.
The real trouble started after the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991. Can you believe it? The people who call themselves “Macedonians” and who speak a language called “Macedonian” decided to call their new country “Macedonia.”
No! No! No! The Greeks shouted. Posters, buttons, bumper stickers, even patriotic songs (in Greek) trumpeted the slogan “Macedonia is Greek!” And the Greek government used its leverage as a NATO, EC (later EU) and UN member to prevent the newly independent Macedonian state from calling itself Macedonia, hence the FYROM compromise.
When I was living in Slovakia in the mid-1990s I met a American human rights lawyer who was working in Macedonia. He had recently traveled to Greece for a conference and when he crossed the border into northern Greece, the border guards stamped “Invalidated” (in Greek) on his Macedonian visa and work permit. Not surprisingly, when he returned to Macedonia, the Macedonian border guards just shrugged and snickered at those silly Greek border guards.
As recently as this past February, the U.S. State Department proposed what we might call the “New Mexico” solution, trying to convince the Macedonians to call their state “New Macedonia” in their membership in various multilateral organizations like NATO and the UN. Wisely, the Macedonians declined.
During the height of the first phase of this controversy in the 1990s, a Bulgarian friend told me that Bulgaria’s foreign minister had proposed that the Macedonians try something similar. His suggestion was that they call their country “Not Macedonia”. That way, whenever the Greeks complained, they could say, “But it’s Not Macedonia.” I have no idea if this story is true or not, but if it is, I think it’s the best solution anyone has come up with.
I’ll conclude by pointing out that the Macedonians are definitely winning the naming dispute, all aggravations about NATO membership to the contrary. The Wikipedia entry for Macedonia calls the country the Republic of Macedonia or just Macedonia. And if Wikipedia says that’s your name, well, that’s your name…isn’t it?
So if I can shoot rabbits then I can shoot fascists
Sympathy must lie with Macedonia in its constant battle with Greece, a country which bullies and even questions the right to self determination of the Macedonians. Trying to play Zeus, Greece has made it clear that its status as a current member of both NATO and the European Union means that it feels justified in allowing the fledgling Macedonia, independent for less than 17 years, absolutely no leeway. Sympathy for Macedonia can only stretch to the boundaries of taste and it seems that this week some Macedonians overstepped the line. Billboards around Skopje carried a poster featuring a customised version of the Greek flag in which the cross in the upper-left corner was replaced with a swastika.
Greece has disgraced itself in its behaviour towards Macedonia, a small Balkan state which is trying its hardest to overcome difficulties such as internal disputes between Macedonians and the Albanian minority that lead the country to the brink of civil war in 2001. As a responsible member of the international community it should be Greece’s duty to offer aid and guidance to the fledgling democracy rather than looking to obstruct progress purely because of the way that Macedonia chooses to identify itself. On this occasion though Greek complaints can be understood. The poster in question was in no way sanctioned by the Macedonian government but was nevertheless visible on the streets of the country’s capital city.
With the NATO summit in Bucharest deciding whether Macedonia will receive an invite to join the organisation, a stunt like this poster does nothing but shoot Macedonia in the foot. Let us be clear, Greece’s attitude to Macedonia is pathetic but it is not akin to the Nazis. By using the swastika symbol it was inevitable that people would be upset, and moreover, countries supportive of Macedonia’s NATO and EU accession will be just that little bit less inclined to speak up for them. The swastika is such a powerful symbol with such terrible connotations that using it in jest is always risky business.
Both the Greeks and the Macedonians are standing firm on the naming dispute. This would be fine for Macedonia were it not the case that Greece can disrupt Macedonia’s entry into international institutions. Macedonia has every right to define itself as Macedonia, this after all is the designated name for the political entity and it is Greece’s bad luck if they choose not to like it. Just as the country is called Macedonia, the language is called Macedonian and it is spoken by Macedonians. Indeed, these may be relatively recent “inventions” that can be dated back to the second half of the 19th Century, before this most would have identified as being Bulgarian, but nevertheless several generations have grown up knowing nothing but being Macedonian, and for the Greeks to try and deny this is scandalous.
The region of Macedonia as opposed to the Republic of Macedonia is a large region in the south of the Balkan peninsular. It stretches across Greece, Macedonia and Bulgaria and even enters into Albania, Kosovo and Serbia. Macedonia is the only country which finds all of its territory located within the region of Macedonia, giving it by most people’s standards the perfectly legitimate right to call itself Macedonia. Prior to the creation of the second Yugoslavia in 1945, the territory of Macedonia went by the name of Southern Serbia, itself a political construction aimed at Serbianising the region so as to compete with the clearly Bulgarian Pirin Macedonia and Green Agean Macedonia and it would be better to describe it by its geographical name Vardar Macedonia. The people of this region were evidently not Serbs, and based on their culture also felt different to Bulgarians. Being Slav, in no way were they Greek. Understanding this different identity, socialist Yugoslavia gave Macedonia its own federal status, partly as a way of ensuring loyalty to Yugoslavia. These reasons and justifications are of little relevance when dealing with Macedonians today who identify simply as being Macedonian.
Macedonia does itself no favours though by antagonising the Greeks. This poster is one of several examples, another being the decision to rename Skopje’s airport as Alexander the Great Airport. Alexander the Great lived several centuries before Slavs arrived in the region and can not really be considered part of the heritage of modern Macedonians. Having said this, there are plenty of examples of places in Britain looking back to their Roman and Viking heritage and nobody in either Italy or Norway has seen fit to complain to the British government yet.
Greece’s Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis stated that her country will continue to block Macedonia’s NATO dream until the dispute is resolved. She said “No mutually acceptable solution means no NATO invitation” although it is unclear as to how this is possible since Greece has said that it refuses to budge from its position that the word Macedonia can not feature in the title, which Macedonia wishes to continue with its name. Maybe Bakoyannis should have said instead that no solution acceptable to Greece means no NATO invitation.
Javier Solano, in charge of the EU’s foreign policy, has suggested New Macedonia as a name. Whilst it seems cruel for the Macedonians to have to capitulate to Greece’s dirty tactics maybe this is a fair compromise. It is unclear whether the name would be in English or in Macedonian as Nova Makedonija, but it would still be likely to be rejected by Greece. Athens has suggested ludicrous names like Republic of Skopje (were this rule to be applied Greece would be renamed as the Republic of Athens while it would be possible to look for the Kingdom of London and the Dictatorship of Pyongyang on maps) and Vardar Republic, the name of a river running through Skopje and a Yugoslav Banovina from 1929 to 1941 (meaning that equally Greece could be renamed Cephissus Republic, the United Kingdom would be Thames Kingdom and Luxembourg would be transformed into the Alzette Grand Duchy).
Will Macedonia give in and allow its very identity to be stolen so that it can join organisations which it has reached on merit? Many countries have objections with others and this is understandable if historic circumstances are taken into account. Where it becomes unnacceptable is when one country questions the very right of another to exist.
Greece has disgraced itself in its behaviour towards Macedonia, a small Balkan state which is trying its hardest to overcome difficulties such as internal disputes between Macedonians and the Albanian minority that lead the country to the brink of civil war in 2001. As a responsible member of the international community it should be Greece’s duty to offer aid and guidance to the fledgling democracy rather than looking to obstruct progress purely because of the way that Macedonia chooses to identify itself. On this occasion though Greek complaints can be understood. The poster in question was in no way sanctioned by the Macedonian government but was nevertheless visible on the streets of the country’s capital city.
With the NATO summit in Bucharest deciding whether Macedonia will receive an invite to join the organisation, a stunt like this poster does nothing but shoot Macedonia in the foot. Let us be clear, Greece’s attitude to Macedonia is pathetic but it is not akin to the Nazis. By using the swastika symbol it was inevitable that people would be upset, and moreover, countries supportive of Macedonia’s NATO and EU accession will be just that little bit less inclined to speak up for them. The swastika is such a powerful symbol with such terrible connotations that using it in jest is always risky business.
Both the Greeks and the Macedonians are standing firm on the naming dispute. This would be fine for Macedonia were it not the case that Greece can disrupt Macedonia’s entry into international institutions. Macedonia has every right to define itself as Macedonia, this after all is the designated name for the political entity and it is Greece’s bad luck if they choose not to like it. Just as the country is called Macedonia, the language is called Macedonian and it is spoken by Macedonians. Indeed, these may be relatively recent “inventions” that can be dated back to the second half of the 19th Century, before this most would have identified as being Bulgarian, but nevertheless several generations have grown up knowing nothing but being Macedonian, and for the Greeks to try and deny this is scandalous.
The region of Macedonia as opposed to the Republic of Macedonia is a large region in the south of the Balkan peninsular. It stretches across Greece, Macedonia and Bulgaria and even enters into Albania, Kosovo and Serbia. Macedonia is the only country which finds all of its territory located within the region of Macedonia, giving it by most people’s standards the perfectly legitimate right to call itself Macedonia. Prior to the creation of the second Yugoslavia in 1945, the territory of Macedonia went by the name of Southern Serbia, itself a political construction aimed at Serbianising the region so as to compete with the clearly Bulgarian Pirin Macedonia and Green Agean Macedonia and it would be better to describe it by its geographical name Vardar Macedonia. The people of this region were evidently not Serbs, and based on their culture also felt different to Bulgarians. Being Slav, in no way were they Greek. Understanding this different identity, socialist Yugoslavia gave Macedonia its own federal status, partly as a way of ensuring loyalty to Yugoslavia. These reasons and justifications are of little relevance when dealing with Macedonians today who identify simply as being Macedonian.
Macedonia does itself no favours though by antagonising the Greeks. This poster is one of several examples, another being the decision to rename Skopje’s airport as Alexander the Great Airport. Alexander the Great lived several centuries before Slavs arrived in the region and can not really be considered part of the heritage of modern Macedonians. Having said this, there are plenty of examples of places in Britain looking back to their Roman and Viking heritage and nobody in either Italy or Norway has seen fit to complain to the British government yet.
Greece’s Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis stated that her country will continue to block Macedonia’s NATO dream until the dispute is resolved. She said “No mutually acceptable solution means no NATO invitation” although it is unclear as to how this is possible since Greece has said that it refuses to budge from its position that the word Macedonia can not feature in the title, which Macedonia wishes to continue with its name. Maybe Bakoyannis should have said instead that no solution acceptable to Greece means no NATO invitation.
Javier Solano, in charge of the EU’s foreign policy, has suggested New Macedonia as a name. Whilst it seems cruel for the Macedonians to have to capitulate to Greece’s dirty tactics maybe this is a fair compromise. It is unclear whether the name would be in English or in Macedonian as Nova Makedonija, but it would still be likely to be rejected by Greece. Athens has suggested ludicrous names like Republic of Skopje (were this rule to be applied Greece would be renamed as the Republic of Athens while it would be possible to look for the Kingdom of London and the Dictatorship of Pyongyang on maps) and Vardar Republic, the name of a river running through Skopje and a Yugoslav Banovina from 1929 to 1941 (meaning that equally Greece could be renamed Cephissus Republic, the United Kingdom would be Thames Kingdom and Luxembourg would be transformed into the Alzette Grand Duchy).
Will Macedonia give in and allow its very identity to be stolen so that it can join organisations which it has reached on merit? Many countries have objections with others and this is understandable if historic circumstances are taken into account. Where it becomes unnacceptable is when one country questions the very right of another to exist.
Poor Macedonia
Turning to Stupid International News, we come to an interesting confrontation taking place between the country of Macedonia, and everyone in NATO. It turns out, Macedonia would like to join the club, which would be fine… if Greece didn’t decide that they own the name Macedonia. That’s right, there is a province in Greece called “Macedonia” and Greek officials say they’ll block Macedonia’s entry into NATO unless they CHANGE THE NAME OF THEIR COUNTRY.
Macedonia
I thought this was a joke at first, but there are plenty of articles about it. Here’s what Wonkette had to say:
Macedonia wants to join NATO, but it can’t unless it changes its name. You see, existing NATO member Greece also has a province called “Macedonia,” and it doesn’t want anyone to get confused. Last month a U.N. special negotiator put forward a list of five names that Macedonia might want to consider, but the country turned up its nose in horrified disgust. What were these terrible alternate names?
“Constitutional Republic of Macedonia, Democratic Republic of Macedonia, Independent Republic of Macedonia, New Republic of Macedonia, and Republic of Upper Macedonia.”
No wonder they didn’t bite. Macedonia needs a new and exciting name, like “Barack Obama.” And now time is running out on the beleaguered Balkan country because the NATO summit us under way, as we speak!
Can you believe that? So, what do you think will happen? Will Macedonia change their name to one of the ones offered? Will they go in a completely different direction? Or will they just give Greece the finger and keep rockin’ their name? Will be interesting (and stupid) to say the least!
Macedonia
I thought this was a joke at first, but there are plenty of articles about it. Here’s what Wonkette had to say:
Macedonia wants to join NATO, but it can’t unless it changes its name. You see, existing NATO member Greece also has a province called “Macedonia,” and it doesn’t want anyone to get confused. Last month a U.N. special negotiator put forward a list of five names that Macedonia might want to consider, but the country turned up its nose in horrified disgust. What were these terrible alternate names?
“Constitutional Republic of Macedonia, Democratic Republic of Macedonia, Independent Republic of Macedonia, New Republic of Macedonia, and Republic of Upper Macedonia.”
No wonder they didn’t bite. Macedonia needs a new and exciting name, like “Barack Obama.” And now time is running out on the beleaguered Balkan country because the NATO summit us under way, as we speak!
Can you believe that? So, what do you think will happen? Will Macedonia change their name to one of the ones offered? Will they go in a completely different direction? Or will they just give Greece the finger and keep rockin’ their name? Will be interesting (and stupid) to say the least!
Macedonia Responds to Greece
Re “Greece’s Flexibility on Macedonia” (letter from the Greek ambassador to Washington, New York Times on the Web, April 3):
The Republic of Macedonia is a small and proud country. After Greece’s veto of Macedonia’s invitation to join NATO, it is obvious that Greece’s intentions are aimed not at supporting permanent regional stability, but at damaging our neighbor relations, attacking our national identity and increasing political instability in the region.
It is unfortunate that the NATO summit meeting in Bucharest is overshadowed by such an irresponsible act by Greece. The Greek position seriously damages NATO’s plans for permanent peace and stability in the Balkans and erodes the foundations of NATO consensus principles.
The Republic of Macedonia has actively participated in and accepted the final proposal of Matthew Nimetz, the United Nations mediator for the name dispute. This proposal was instantly rebutted from the Greek side, an act that has thrown away years of Mr. Nimetz’s diplomatic work.
Macedonia will prevail, will continue to support NATO missions, and we look forward to the next opportunity to join the club, but now it is much more likely that Macedonians will never agree to change their country’s name just to please our neighbors.
Vladimir LazarevikDeputy Minister of Health
Skopje, Macedonia, April 3, 2008
Greece’s Flexibility on Macedonia
Regarding your March 30 editorial “The Republic Formerly Known As,” let me emphasize that Greece supports NATO’s enlargement to those candidates who respect the principles of trust, solidarity and good neighborly relations.
While you say “tiny Macedonia poses no threat whatsoever to Greece,” the authorities in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, or Fyrom, portray Greek Macedonia as “occupied” territory, refusing to remove such claims from textbooks, speeches, articles, documents and maps of “Greater Macedonia,” which includes parts of northern Greece.
Such irredentism and hostile propaganda are more befitting to 19th-century policies than 21st-century NATO membership.
One hundred fifteen members of the United States House of Representatives co-sponsored H.R. 356, asking Fyrom to “stop hostile activities and propaganda against Greece.” Senators Robert Menendez, Barack Obama and Olympia Snowe introduced a similar resolution in the Senate.
The government in Skopje insists on being the exclusive claimant to the name of an entire area, the largest part of which lies outside its borders, and insists on portraying Greek Macedonia as occupied territory. The term “Macedonia” has always been used to delineate a wider geographical region, approximately 51 percent of which is part of Greece, 38 percent of Fyrom and 9 percent of Bulgaria.
We have come to the table with a clear objective: a long-overdue, mutually acceptable composite name that includes the designation of Macedonia, but attaches an adjective to it to distinguish it from the broader geographical area of Macedonia. Greece has engaged in this process constructively and with an open mind.
In an unprecedented policy shift, our government has unilaterally gone two-thirds of the way, accepting a number of proposals from the United Nations mediator, Matthew Nimetz, as a basis for discussion. We have proved to be considerably flexible in our quest for a win-win solution. All we ask is that Fyrom travel the rest of the distance.
Alexandros P. Mallias
Ambassador of Greece
Washington, March 30, 2008
US to Boost Assistance to Macedonia
A top US diplomat who attended Thursday’s Macedonia-US meeting in Bucharest has confirmed that the United States is ready to give additional assistance to Macedonia following the country's failure to secure an invitation to join NATO.
At NATO's Bucharest summit on Thursday, Macedonia's entry into the Alliance was blocked by Greece because of its continuing dispute with Macedonia over the country's name.
The diplomat, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told BBC Macedonia on Friday that the US cannot guarantee the security of Macedonia but added that ways of strengthening bilateral cooperation are being considered.
Local media speculated that this may imply strengthening military cooperation.
Athens has insisted that Skopje change the name “Republic of Macedonia” if it wants to avoid a Greek veto on NATO membership. Greece argues that this name could be taken to imply a territorial claim over Greece's northern province also called Macedonia.
Analysts have argued that if Macedonia stays out of NATO its stability could be jeopardised, since the country’s 25-percent Albanian community could begin lobbying for secession due to the country's unfulfilled NATO aspirations.
On Thursday evening, Menduh Taci, the leader of the ruling Albanian party in Macedonia, the Democratic Party of Albanians, told local media that the Albanians would wait “as long as they can” for the Macedonian majority to try to solve the “name” dispute. He did not give any deadlines.
Macedonian media reported earlier on Thursday that the signing of a special bilateral agreement in which the US would guarantee the stability of Macedonia was agreed at a meeting between US President George W. Bush and Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski and Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski.
The meeting took place after it had become clear that despite the approval of the other 25 NATO members Macedonia would remain outside the Alliance because of Greek opposition.
An intense UN and US effort to find a mutually acceptable solution to the 17-year long dispute has so far been in vain.
At NATO's Bucharest summit on Thursday, Macedonia's entry into the Alliance was blocked by Greece because of its continuing dispute with Macedonia over the country's name.
The diplomat, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told BBC Macedonia on Friday that the US cannot guarantee the security of Macedonia but added that ways of strengthening bilateral cooperation are being considered.
Local media speculated that this may imply strengthening military cooperation.
Athens has insisted that Skopje change the name “Republic of Macedonia” if it wants to avoid a Greek veto on NATO membership. Greece argues that this name could be taken to imply a territorial claim over Greece's northern province also called Macedonia.
Analysts have argued that if Macedonia stays out of NATO its stability could be jeopardised, since the country’s 25-percent Albanian community could begin lobbying for secession due to the country's unfulfilled NATO aspirations.
On Thursday evening, Menduh Taci, the leader of the ruling Albanian party in Macedonia, the Democratic Party of Albanians, told local media that the Albanians would wait “as long as they can” for the Macedonian majority to try to solve the “name” dispute. He did not give any deadlines.
Macedonian media reported earlier on Thursday that the signing of a special bilateral agreement in which the US would guarantee the stability of Macedonia was agreed at a meeting between US President George W. Bush and Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski and Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski.
The meeting took place after it had become clear that despite the approval of the other 25 NATO members Macedonia would remain outside the Alliance because of Greek opposition.
An intense UN and US effort to find a mutually acceptable solution to the 17-year long dispute has so far been in vain.
Macedonia will not accept Greek blackmail
Macedonian top officials made clear Thursday that Greek 'no' to Macedonia's NATO entry won't change the country's determination to drive forward the EU integration process.
"Certain things in our country's strategy will be redefined, but our strategic goals will remain unchanged. However, we have a new reality after the summit in Bucharest," Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski said shortly before his departure from Bucharest.
He added that Greece's frustration was the only reason that Macedonia was not invited to join NATO.
"Republic of Macedonia will endure, our people will make it through, we will continue to walk on the path we have chosen," Crvenkovski said in Bucharest.
Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski said Greece is mistaken if it thinks that the veto would force Macedonia to accept Greek blackmail.
"Every one who thinks that with this move Macedonia will be pushed to the wall to accept something makes a huge mistake," Gruevski said before his departure from Bucharest.
He added that Greece resorted to veto - a move rarely used, and breached the Interim Accord on the name.
PM Gruevski said Macedonia and its people should be proud of the support of NATO members and their recognition of the country's qualification to be part of the Alliance.
"Certain things in our country's strategy will be redefined, but our strategic goals will remain unchanged. However, we have a new reality after the summit in Bucharest," Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski said shortly before his departure from Bucharest.
He added that Greece's frustration was the only reason that Macedonia was not invited to join NATO.
"Republic of Macedonia will endure, our people will make it through, we will continue to walk on the path we have chosen," Crvenkovski said in Bucharest.
Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski said Greece is mistaken if it thinks that the veto would force Macedonia to accept Greek blackmail.
"Every one who thinks that with this move Macedonia will be pushed to the wall to accept something makes a huge mistake," Gruevski said before his departure from Bucharest.
He added that Greece resorted to veto - a move rarely used, and breached the Interim Accord on the name.
PM Gruevski said Macedonia and its people should be proud of the support of NATO members and their recognition of the country's qualification to be part of the Alliance.
FM Milososki: No invitation for Macedonia, defeat of NATO principles
The decision not to extend an invitation for NATO membership to Macedonia represents a defeat of the Alliance principles and very difficult moment for a small country as ours, where NATO enjoyed a support of 90 percent, said Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki at Thursday's press conference in Bucharest.
- It is not a problem for NATO principles when Macedonian soldiers are risking their lives on the ground in their uniforms bearing the name Macedonia, but it becomes a problem here on the table in Bucharest, Milososki said.
- It is hard for us to understand and explain how one peaceful country, such as Macedonia, with aspirations to join the family of free democracies, was under pressure to give up its fundamental rights - own name and national identity, he said.
NATO failure to extend membership invitation to Macedonia, based not on what the country has done but due to what we are - and we are Macedonians and our country is the Republic of Macedonia, which will be our name for good - is regrettable for the principles of democracy, Milosoki said.
Today, Macedonia is also disappointed of the long-term vision for the region's stability, as due to the Greek veto, the region after the Bucharest Summit will be less secure than before, Milososki said.
- Most of the countries of the region are on the road to the EU, NATO, but those who have not forgotten yesterday's Balkan should remember the existing risks. For the sake of Greek irrelevant arguments the region's stability has been put in stake. The full responsibility for the possible destabilization of the region falls on Greece from now on, stressed Milososki.
However, Macedonia will keep playing the role of a stability factor in the region in these crucial moments for Serbia and Kosovo, keep working in the best possible manner and cooperating with all of its partners and neighbours for the country's brighter future, the FM said.
Milososki said that the Greek veto also meant breaking of the Macedonia-Greece Interim Agreement of 1995 and announced that the Government would decided on the document's future.
Macedonia views the last (name) proposal of UN mediator Matthew Nimetz as the final one, which means that there is no justification for the Greek veto, Milososki said.
Getting no invitation for NATO membership, Macedonian delegation has decided to leave the Summit in Bucharest. After a meeting with US President George Bush, President Branko Crvenkovski, Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, along with journalists, will return home. Crvenkovski and Gruevski have cancelled all of their activities within the Summit.
- We are leaving the Summit as in this moment we feel no need to be here. We believe that now we should be with our citizens, who strongly supported NATO, Milosoki said.
He extended gratitude to the US for its support, in particular to US President George Bush.
- We appreciate the gesture and it is our long-term capital in the strategic relations we have been nourishing with Washington, Milososki said.
- It is not a problem for NATO principles when Macedonian soldiers are risking their lives on the ground in their uniforms bearing the name Macedonia, but it becomes a problem here on the table in Bucharest, Milososki said.
- It is hard for us to understand and explain how one peaceful country, such as Macedonia, with aspirations to join the family of free democracies, was under pressure to give up its fundamental rights - own name and national identity, he said.
NATO failure to extend membership invitation to Macedonia, based not on what the country has done but due to what we are - and we are Macedonians and our country is the Republic of Macedonia, which will be our name for good - is regrettable for the principles of democracy, Milosoki said.
Today, Macedonia is also disappointed of the long-term vision for the region's stability, as due to the Greek veto, the region after the Bucharest Summit will be less secure than before, Milososki said.
- Most of the countries of the region are on the road to the EU, NATO, but those who have not forgotten yesterday's Balkan should remember the existing risks. For the sake of Greek irrelevant arguments the region's stability has been put in stake. The full responsibility for the possible destabilization of the region falls on Greece from now on, stressed Milososki.
However, Macedonia will keep playing the role of a stability factor in the region in these crucial moments for Serbia and Kosovo, keep working in the best possible manner and cooperating with all of its partners and neighbours for the country's brighter future, the FM said.
Milososki said that the Greek veto also meant breaking of the Macedonia-Greece Interim Agreement of 1995 and announced that the Government would decided on the document's future.
Macedonia views the last (name) proposal of UN mediator Matthew Nimetz as the final one, which means that there is no justification for the Greek veto, Milososki said.
Getting no invitation for NATO membership, Macedonian delegation has decided to leave the Summit in Bucharest. After a meeting with US President George Bush, President Branko Crvenkovski, Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, along with journalists, will return home. Crvenkovski and Gruevski have cancelled all of their activities within the Summit.
- We are leaving the Summit as in this moment we feel no need to be here. We believe that now we should be with our citizens, who strongly supported NATO, Milosoki said.
He extended gratitude to the US for its support, in particular to US President George Bush.
- We appreciate the gesture and it is our long-term capital in the strategic relations we have been nourishing with Washington, Milososki said.
Thaci: Macedonians To Solve Greece Row
The dispute with Greece is a matter for Macedonians, and Albanians in the country will let them deal with it, a key ethnic Albanian leader in Skopje says.
Macedonia failed to secure an invitation to join NATO at the alliance’s summit in Bucharest on Thursday following a Greek veto.
Athens was protesting against Skopje’s refusal to change its country’s name.
Greece opposes to Skopje’s constitutional name “Republic of Macedonia” saying it might lead Skopje to make territorial claims on its own northern province, which is also called Maceonia.
Commenting on the recent initiative of his coalition partner, the centre-right VMRO- DPMNE, to call a referendum on the country changing its name, Thaci said that would be the “worst scenario” since it would cause ethnic divisions between the Macedonian majority that would vote against the move, and ethnic Albanians that would largely vote in favour.
Albanians comprise about 25% of the country’s population.
The recent opinion poll conducted by Brima Galup prior to the Bucharest Summit showed that the vast majority of Macedonians put the country’s name ahead of their NATO ambitions while ethnic Albanians think exactly opposite.
The long running row between the two countries began in the early 1990s. Despite increased United Nations and United States diplomatic initiatives to solve the dispute before the NATO summit, it became the sole obstacle to Macedonia’s bid to join the alliance.
“We will tolerate the efforts for finding compromise with Greece for as long as we can,” the head of the Democratic Party of Albanians, DPA, Menduh Thaci, told local A1 TV.
Macedonia failed to secure an invitation to join NATO at the alliance’s summit in Bucharest on Thursday following a Greek veto.
Athens was protesting against Skopje’s refusal to change its country’s name.
Greece opposes to Skopje’s constitutional name “Republic of Macedonia” saying it might lead Skopje to make territorial claims on its own northern province, which is also called Maceonia.
Commenting on the recent initiative of his coalition partner, the centre-right VMRO- DPMNE, to call a referendum on the country changing its name, Thaci said that would be the “worst scenario” since it would cause ethnic divisions between the Macedonian majority that would vote against the move, and ethnic Albanians that would largely vote in favour.
Albanians comprise about 25% of the country’s population.
The recent opinion poll conducted by Brima Galup prior to the Bucharest Summit showed that the vast majority of Macedonians put the country’s name ahead of their NATO ambitions while ethnic Albanians think exactly opposite.
The long running row between the two countries began in the early 1990s. Despite increased United Nations and United States diplomatic initiatives to solve the dispute before the NATO summit, it became the sole obstacle to Macedonia’s bid to join the alliance.
Nato Macedonia veto stokes tension
When they chose Bucharest as the venue for their 2008 summit, Nato leaders meant to send an encouraging signal to all Balkan countries.
Nato's veto has inflamed nationalist feelings in Macedonia
But the decision not to invite Macedonia along with Croatia and Albania risks sending mixed signals and raising fears of instability in a region which was already reeling from Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia.
Macedonia's bid was blocked by Greece because of a 17-year row over the country's name. Athens says it implies a territorial claim on its northern province - also called Macedonia - and wants the former Yugoslav republic to change its name to New or Upper Macedonia.
But the veto has only inflamed nationalist feelings.
In a gesture rarely seen at a Nato summit, a group of Macedonian journalists angrily walked out of a news conference after Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer made the announcement.
'Regretful'
Shortly afterwards, the entire Macedonian delegation left the summit, arguing that the country's leaders had to be with their people at a difficult moment.
Striking a defiant note, foreign minister Antonio Milososki said: "It is very regretful for the principles of democracy that Macedonia's bid for Nato membership was punished, not because of what we have done but because of who we are.
"We are Macedonians and our country is the Republic of Macedonia. And it will remain so forever."
Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha thanked Nato leaders for the invitation to join, which he called "a miracle".
But he warned that the failure to issue a similar invitation to Macedonia - where a quarter of the country's two million people are ethnic Albanians - could encourage "radical groups".
In 2001, Nato and the EU managed to prevent a civil war in Macedonia between security forces and ethnic Albanians separatists by brokering a peace deal which granted more minority rights.
But there will be fewer incentives for the government to create a multi-ethnic society without the carrot of Nato and European Union membership. Athens could use its veto again later this year to scupper Skopje's bid to start EU membership talks.
Serbia watching
Pessimists fear that Macedonia could break up under the strain, reviving dreams of a Greater Albania including Kosovo. Optimists argue Albania's invitation to join Nato will help to prevent the worst-case scenario.
Albania leaders say Nato's invitation is a 'miracle'
Summit decisions were also watched closely in Serbia.
"I feel sorry because Nato membership is important for Macedonia's political stability," said former Serbian foreign minister Goran Svilanovic, "but I'm also thinking about Serbia's interest. Every progress of Serbia's neighbours towards EU and Nato membership is good because it should encourage Serbia's people and politicians to achieve the same goals."
But Kosovo's secession has pushed Serbia further away from the rest of Europe, with pro-Western forces lagging behind nationalist parties ahead of next month's parliamentary election.
There was little reaction to Nato's offer of an "intensified dialogue", which was granted to Bosnia and Montenegro as a key step towards eventual membership. All former communist countries that are now part of the EU boosted their democratic credentials by first joining Nato.
Slovenia is already part of Nato and the EU. Almost two decades after the bloody break-up of Yugoslavia, Croatia also looks close to reaching that goal. It hopes to join Nato next year and the EU by 2010.
On Friday, US President George W Bush travels to Zagreb to congratulate Croatians on their success.
Only two months ago, they did not seem at all keen on Nato. But with Serbian nationalism once again on the rise, Croatians have made their choice. Prime Minister Ivo Sanader said support for Nato membership now stood at 70%.
Nato's veto has inflamed nationalist feelings in Macedonia
But the decision not to invite Macedonia along with Croatia and Albania risks sending mixed signals and raising fears of instability in a region which was already reeling from Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia.
Macedonia's bid was blocked by Greece because of a 17-year row over the country's name. Athens says it implies a territorial claim on its northern province - also called Macedonia - and wants the former Yugoslav republic to change its name to New or Upper Macedonia.
But the veto has only inflamed nationalist feelings.
In a gesture rarely seen at a Nato summit, a group of Macedonian journalists angrily walked out of a news conference after Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer made the announcement.
'Regretful'
Shortly afterwards, the entire Macedonian delegation left the summit, arguing that the country's leaders had to be with their people at a difficult moment.
We are Macedonians and our country is the Republic of Macedonia - and it will remain so forever
Antonio Milososki
Antonio Milososki
Striking a defiant note, foreign minister Antonio Milososki said: "It is very regretful for the principles of democracy that Macedonia's bid for Nato membership was punished, not because of what we have done but because of who we are.
"We are Macedonians and our country is the Republic of Macedonia. And it will remain so forever."
Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha thanked Nato leaders for the invitation to join, which he called "a miracle".
But he warned that the failure to issue a similar invitation to Macedonia - where a quarter of the country's two million people are ethnic Albanians - could encourage "radical groups".
In 2001, Nato and the EU managed to prevent a civil war in Macedonia between security forces and ethnic Albanians separatists by brokering a peace deal which granted more minority rights.
But there will be fewer incentives for the government to create a multi-ethnic society without the carrot of Nato and European Union membership. Athens could use its veto again later this year to scupper Skopje's bid to start EU membership talks.
Serbia watching
Pessimists fear that Macedonia could break up under the strain, reviving dreams of a Greater Albania including Kosovo. Optimists argue Albania's invitation to join Nato will help to prevent the worst-case scenario.
Albania leaders say Nato's invitation is a 'miracle'
Summit decisions were also watched closely in Serbia.
"I feel sorry because Nato membership is important for Macedonia's political stability," said former Serbian foreign minister Goran Svilanovic, "but I'm also thinking about Serbia's interest. Every progress of Serbia's neighbours towards EU and Nato membership is good because it should encourage Serbia's people and politicians to achieve the same goals."
But Kosovo's secession has pushed Serbia further away from the rest of Europe, with pro-Western forces lagging behind nationalist parties ahead of next month's parliamentary election.
There was little reaction to Nato's offer of an "intensified dialogue", which was granted to Bosnia and Montenegro as a key step towards eventual membership. All former communist countries that are now part of the EU boosted their democratic credentials by first joining Nato.
Slovenia is already part of Nato and the EU. Almost two decades after the bloody break-up of Yugoslavia, Croatia also looks close to reaching that goal. It hopes to join Nato next year and the EU by 2010.
On Friday, US President George W Bush travels to Zagreb to congratulate Croatians on their success.
Only two months ago, they did not seem at all keen on Nato. But with Serbian nationalism once again on the rise, Croatians have made their choice. Prime Minister Ivo Sanader said support for Nato membership now stood at 70%.
NATO Puts Off Entry for Ukraine, Georgia, Macedonia
In southeastern Europe, tensions dating back to the era of Alexander the Great wrecked a consensus to admit three countries in order to write a final chapter to the wars that ripped apart Yugoslavia in the 1990s.
Name Dispute
Greece objected that Macedonia's name implied a territorial claim on the northern Greek province of the same name. Last- ditch United Nations-brokered talks failed to resolve the dispute.
``Irredentist logic belongs to the Balkans of yesterday and not to tomorrow,'' Greek Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis said. While Greece obtained its ``diplomatic objectives'' today, it wants to see its neighbor in NATO and favors a quick resumption of the UN talks, she said.
Macedonia, the only republic to break free of Yugoslavia without firing a shot, said it negotiated in good faith and accused Greece of putting regional stability at stake and tarnishing the credibility of NATO.
``Unfortunately the Greek irrelevant arguments from ancient times have won,'' Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki said. He didn't say whether the negotiations with Greece would continue.
UN Compromise
The name dispute has vexed Macedonia since independence, outlasting a tentative settlement from 1993, when the new Balkan state was admitted to the UN as ``the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.''
More than 100 countries, including the U.S., the U.K., Canada, Russia and China, recognize Greece's neighbor as the Republic of Macedonia. Greece leads a minority, along with France, Germany and some others, that recognizes it only under the UN name.
Milososki said Macedonia gave a ``positive'' response to the latest UN proposal -- ``Republic of Macedonia (Skopje).'' Skopje is the country's capital. Greece objected to that name, Milososki said.
Name Dispute
Greece objected that Macedonia's name implied a territorial claim on the northern Greek province of the same name. Last- ditch United Nations-brokered talks failed to resolve the dispute.
``Irredentist logic belongs to the Balkans of yesterday and not to tomorrow,'' Greek Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis said. While Greece obtained its ``diplomatic objectives'' today, it wants to see its neighbor in NATO and favors a quick resumption of the UN talks, she said.
Macedonia, the only republic to break free of Yugoslavia without firing a shot, said it negotiated in good faith and accused Greece of putting regional stability at stake and tarnishing the credibility of NATO.
``Unfortunately the Greek irrelevant arguments from ancient times have won,'' Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki said. He didn't say whether the negotiations with Greece would continue.
UN Compromise
The name dispute has vexed Macedonia since independence, outlasting a tentative settlement from 1993, when the new Balkan state was admitted to the UN as ``the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.''
More than 100 countries, including the U.S., the U.K., Canada, Russia and China, recognize Greece's neighbor as the Republic of Macedonia. Greece leads a minority, along with France, Germany and some others, that recognizes it only under the UN name.
Milososki said Macedonia gave a ``positive'' response to the latest UN proposal -- ``Republic of Macedonia (Skopje).'' Skopje is the country's capital. Greece objected to that name, Milososki said.
Rice: Macedonia Not to be Blamed
Macedonia and its people are not responsible for the country's failure to receive an invitation to join NATO, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told media in Bucharest late on Thursday.
“Macedonia is in fact invited to join the Alliance as soon as the 'name' issue is resolved,” Rice said.
Skopje's bid failed because of Greek opposition, despite the fact that all the other member countries agreed that Macedonia had met all of NATO’s requirements.
Greece exercised its veto because it objects to the name Republic of Macedonia, which Athens believes may imply a claim to the northern Greek province of the same name.
Rice told reporters that the US and other countries pressed for Macedonia’s invitation at the summit but that their freedom of action was constrained by the fact that NATO functions on the nbasis of consensus.
Croatia and Albania, however, got the green light to join the Alliance.
On Thursday NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer announced that Macedonia's bid to join the Alliance had been unsuccessful. Immediately afterwards, the country’s leaders, together with many Macedonian journalists, left the summit early in a sign of protest.
“We have been punished because of who we are and not because of what we have done,” Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski told reporters on Thursday.
Rice said she hoped that Macedonia would join the Alliance “as soon as possible” and she stressed that all the NATO members meeting at the Bucharest summit had agreed that the country has met the membership criteria.
“Macedonia is in fact invited to join the Alliance as soon as the 'name' issue is resolved,” Rice said.
Skopje's bid failed because of Greek opposition, despite the fact that all the other member countries agreed that Macedonia had met all of NATO’s requirements.
Greece exercised its veto because it objects to the name Republic of Macedonia, which Athens believes may imply a claim to the northern Greek province of the same name.
Rice told reporters that the US and other countries pressed for Macedonia’s invitation at the summit but that their freedom of action was constrained by the fact that NATO functions on the nbasis of consensus.
Croatia and Albania, however, got the green light to join the Alliance.
On Thursday NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer announced that Macedonia's bid to join the Alliance had been unsuccessful. Immediately afterwards, the country’s leaders, together with many Macedonian journalists, left the summit early in a sign of protest.
“We have been punished because of who we are and not because of what we have done,” Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski told reporters on Thursday.
Thursday, April 03, 2008
ANALYSIS-Fears of Balkan instability after Macedonia rebuff
NATO's decision on Thursday not to ask Macedonia to join the alliance raised fears that the former Yugoslav republic could be destabilised and nationalist and anti-Western feeling could be bolstered in the Balkans.
NATO leaders at a summit in Bucharest invited Albania and Croatia to join the 26-nation Western defence alliance, but did not do the same for Macedonia because of the threat of a veto by Greece in a row over the country's name.
Macedonia, which broke from Yugoslavia in 1991, has the same name as Greece's most northerly province. Athens says Skopje must use a compound name such as "New" or "Upper" Macedonia.
Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki said last week that if NATO membership was blocked, Macedonia would probably pull out of U.N.-sponsored talks with Athens.
That could undermine Macedonia's European Union membership bid because Greece can also veto that.
"Acceptance into NATO has been a hugely important symbolic move for all ex-communist countries. This leaves Macedonia without a foothold in what they perceive to be the 'civilised world'," said a strategic analyst with a leading Western think tank who spoke on condition of anonymity.
The Balkans region is already facing increased tension following Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia on Feb. 17.
Macedonia went to the brink of civil war in 2001 between the Slav Macedonian majority and an Albanian minority before an accord brokered by the EU and NATO pulled it back. "This (NATO decision) will have negative consequences. The Macedonian government will face pressure from inside and outside," Albanian political analyst Mentor Nazarko said of Nato's decision.
Nazarko said NATO's decision would make Macedonia "vulnerable" to regional powers such as Greece and Serbia who he said wanted Macedonia weakened.
SETBACK FOR PRO-WESTERN GROUPS
Macedonia's Albanians, a quarter of its 2 million people, back a compromise with Greece for the sake of NATO and the EU.
They say progress to the West will make them equal partners in a multiethnic society, and help the economy. Most feel uneasy about talk of a glorious ancient history that excludes them.
Aziz Pollozhani, a senior official in Macedonia's largest Albanian party, DUI, said the government had in effect failed at the NATO summit Bucharest .
"It wasn't able to build an appropriate climate, on the contrary made moves seen by Greece as provocative," he said.
Slobodan Casule, a former Macedonian foreign minister, said the delay could create "ethnic tensions and an internal crisis".
He noted that there had been setbacks for pro-Western groups in other parts of the Balkans.
"This will turn into a clear defeat of pro-NATO and pro-EU forces in Macedonia, Serbia, Bosnia and elsewhere in the Balkans," Casule said. "It will block reforms and postpone indefinitely the negotiations on Macedonia's EU membership."
Former Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski called for calm, not provocative actions.
"Macedonia should not complicate the situation even more with jerky reactions, like withdrawing from the U.N. talks," he told Reuters.
"We should soberly analyse what our next steps should be. We should send a clear signal we're still ready for negotiations so we can finally receive an invitation."
Political analysts said NATO's decision could play into the hands of Macedonian nationalists, enabling them to say compromises with the Albanian minority had served no purpose.
The analysts said the decision could also strengthen nationalists in Serbia, which holds a parliamentary election next month, and anti-Western parties in Serbia who like to play up their friendly ties with Greece.
"They will start banging the drum to exploit this ahead of the May election, saying Greece can help Serbia over (breakaway Albanian-majority) Kosovo," the analyst said.
NATO leaders at a summit in Bucharest invited Albania and Croatia to join the 26-nation Western defence alliance, but did not do the same for Macedonia because of the threat of a veto by Greece in a row over the country's name.
Macedonia, which broke from Yugoslavia in 1991, has the same name as Greece's most northerly province. Athens says Skopje must use a compound name such as "New" or "Upper" Macedonia.
Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki said last week that if NATO membership was blocked, Macedonia would probably pull out of U.N.-sponsored talks with Athens.
That could undermine Macedonia's European Union membership bid because Greece can also veto that.
"Acceptance into NATO has been a hugely important symbolic move for all ex-communist countries. This leaves Macedonia without a foothold in what they perceive to be the 'civilised world'," said a strategic analyst with a leading Western think tank who spoke on condition of anonymity.
The Balkans region is already facing increased tension following Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia on Feb. 17.
Macedonia went to the brink of civil war in 2001 between the Slav Macedonian majority and an Albanian minority before an accord brokered by the EU and NATO pulled it back. "This (NATO decision) will have negative consequences. The Macedonian government will face pressure from inside and outside," Albanian political analyst Mentor Nazarko said of Nato's decision.
Nazarko said NATO's decision would make Macedonia "vulnerable" to regional powers such as Greece and Serbia who he said wanted Macedonia weakened.
SETBACK FOR PRO-WESTERN GROUPS
Macedonia's Albanians, a quarter of its 2 million people, back a compromise with Greece for the sake of NATO and the EU.
They say progress to the West will make them equal partners in a multiethnic society, and help the economy. Most feel uneasy about talk of a glorious ancient history that excludes them.
Aziz Pollozhani, a senior official in Macedonia's largest Albanian party, DUI, said the government had in effect failed at the NATO summit Bucharest .
"It wasn't able to build an appropriate climate, on the contrary made moves seen by Greece as provocative," he said.
Slobodan Casule, a former Macedonian foreign minister, said the delay could create "ethnic tensions and an internal crisis".
He noted that there had been setbacks for pro-Western groups in other parts of the Balkans.
"This will turn into a clear defeat of pro-NATO and pro-EU forces in Macedonia, Serbia, Bosnia and elsewhere in the Balkans," Casule said. "It will block reforms and postpone indefinitely the negotiations on Macedonia's EU membership."
Former Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski called for calm, not provocative actions.
"Macedonia should not complicate the situation even more with jerky reactions, like withdrawing from the U.N. talks," he told Reuters.
"We should soberly analyse what our next steps should be. We should send a clear signal we're still ready for negotiations so we can finally receive an invitation."
Political analysts said NATO's decision could play into the hands of Macedonian nationalists, enabling them to say compromises with the Albanian minority had served no purpose.
The analysts said the decision could also strengthen nationalists in Serbia, which holds a parliamentary election next month, and anti-Western parties in Serbia who like to play up their friendly ties with Greece.
"They will start banging the drum to exploit this ahead of the May election, saying Greece can help Serbia over (breakaway Albanian-majority) Kosovo," the analyst said.
ANROM: the Almost NATO-member Republic of Macedonia
As expected, NATO has decided not to extend an invitation to the Republic of Macedonia -- excuse me, I mean "the Former Yugoslav Constitutional Republic of Upper Northwestern Macedonia, Skopje." That's right, Greece stuck to its nationalistic guns on the name issue today, carrying out its threat to block NATO membership if Macedonia didn't agree (and it didn't) to call itself the "Republic of Upper Macedonia," the "Republic of Macedonia, Skopje," or some comparably wordy derivative.
Macedonians didn't take the rejection well. After Greece blocked accession talks, Macedonian President Branko Crvenkovski and his delegation walked out of the meeting. Antonio Milososki, Foreign Minister, told reporters:
We are [in Bucharest] today to announce that we are leaving the summit. We feel it necessary to be with our people today.”
Not a bad idea. Their people needed all the comforting they could get. Back at home, Macedonian stocks suffered a record blow, with the Macedonian Bourse Index losing 10.4 percent of its total value after it became clear that the country would not get an invite.
Acceptance into NATO carries great weight for these small, former communist countries. Neighboring President Bamir Topi of Albania, whose country did receive a coveted NATO invitation, proclaimed, "This is the most important decision in the history of Albanian people… With this decision we are definitely separated from Yalta," referring to the 1945 conference of the "Big Three" at which Stalin claimed Albania for the communist bloc.
But NATO membership is more than symbolic for Macedonia, which narrowly missed a Kosovo-style ethnic war in 2001 thanks to an EU/NATO-brokered peace agreement. The country may now decide to pull out of U.N.-led name negotiations entirely, in which case Greece will repeat its power play on the EU front. If Macedonia is knocked off its current EU accession path because of a Macedonian identity issue, the state's large, pro-EU Albanian minority will not be happy. And all we need in the Balkans is one more unhappy ethnic minority.
Shame On Greece: Messing With Macedonia
NY Times Editorial Board
The Macedonians walked out of the NATO summit on Thursday and we can’t say we blame them.
Croatia and Albania were granted membership in the western alliance at a leaders’ meeting in Bucharest, but Macedonia was barred for an absurd reason: Greece doesn’t like its name.
That decision shames Greece and it dishonors NATO, which has far more serious problems and challenges to worry about.
The name “Macedonia,” is shared by the former Yugoslav republic and by northern Greece. From the moment the former-Yugoslav Macedonia declared independence in 1991, the Greeks — reflecting byzantine Balkan politics — vehemently objected to the new state’s use of a name and symbols they regard as theirs.
As a result, the United Nations provisionally designated the country as “the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” — or, rather uneuphonically: FYROM.
Athens has since normalized relations and many countries, including the United States, have abandoned the clumsy FYROM in favor of Republic of Macedonia, which is what Macedonia calls itself.
A United Nations mediator tried to work out a compromise but in the end, Greece — a NATO member since 1952 — exercised its veto. The alliance operates on consensus.
Tiny Macedonia doesn’t threaten Greece under any name. In fact, bringing it into the NATO fold would enhance regional stability. Now, there are concerns Macedonia’s failure to gain alliance membership could fan nationalism and anti-Western sentiment as well as jeopardize its ability to join the European Union.
President Bush and European leaders should have worked harder at finding a solution to this corrosive problem before Greece exercised its veto.
Now they must ratchet up the pressure on Greece to achieve that compromise so that NATO’s insult to Macedonia is reversed as quickly as possible.
Huge victory for MACEDONIA
Only Steven Spielberg could have masterminded this type of scenario for Macedonia. A huge moral and political victory for Macedonia. All props to the Macedonian leadership for their diplomatic skills and tactics.
I am not Macedonian so I can not rank Macedonia's 'happy moments'. However, without a doubt in my mind, Macedonia's not entering in NATO should be the happiest moment for all Macedonians worldwide. There are numerous reasons for my reasoning.
Macedonia has been, and always will be cradle of culture and civilization. Macedonia's peaceful image would have been seriously tarnished by entering the NATO Alliance. There is a reason why Macedonia is called "Balkan's Switzerland".
We, Americans, have a phrase when someone does something foolish, nit witted. We say "he shot himself in the foot". What Greece did today, it didn't just shot itself in the foot, rather, it shot itself in the face! Greece's absurd nationalistic [read machismo] campaign and disinformation, forcing Macedonia to change its name has produced an extremely negative image of Greece abroad. Greece spent millions, for something that did not work and it will never work. It enraged the Macedonian population to such an extent, that now, they will never mention the 'n' in negotiations. Greece attempted to shut down, wipe out the Macedonian spirit, instead, it awakened it, more stronger than ever.
Congratulations to Mr. Gruevski, Milososki and Dimitrov who thwarted all Greek tricks and attempts via blackmail and threats to force a terrible name upon you. Everyone was aware Greece had intended to place its veto no matter what 'talks' were going on. "Change your name or veto" doesn't work. It may have worked in a dark back alley.
The Macedonian diplomats, I must admit, were much, much wiser than I thought. I suspected they would make a mistake because of their youth. I was very wrong, and I am glad.
With this veto, Greece has done a huge favor for Macedonia to finally stop all of this nonsense called 'negotiations'.
Greece saved Macedonia millions of Euros that they would have had to shell out each year for "NATO membership fees".
Instead, Macedonia will sign a military agreement with the US (much better than agreement with NATO) and will not shell out a cent.
Washington will take Macedonia under its wings as a guarantor and a protector. This type of agreement includes free weaponry. This is money that now Macedonia will get to keep and invest in its ever growing economy.
I suggest to you Macedonia, to enjoy this great victory, this is a great day for you.
Long live Alexandar's descendants.
William Reihman
I am not Macedonian so I can not rank Macedonia's 'happy moments'. However, without a doubt in my mind, Macedonia's not entering in NATO should be the happiest moment for all Macedonians worldwide. There are numerous reasons for my reasoning.
Macedonia has been, and always will be cradle of culture and civilization. Macedonia's peaceful image would have been seriously tarnished by entering the NATO Alliance. There is a reason why Macedonia is called "Balkan's Switzerland".
We, Americans, have a phrase when someone does something foolish, nit witted. We say "he shot himself in the foot". What Greece did today, it didn't just shot itself in the foot, rather, it shot itself in the face! Greece's absurd nationalistic [read machismo] campaign and disinformation, forcing Macedonia to change its name has produced an extremely negative image of Greece abroad. Greece spent millions, for something that did not work and it will never work. It enraged the Macedonian population to such an extent, that now, they will never mention the 'n' in negotiations. Greece attempted to shut down, wipe out the Macedonian spirit, instead, it awakened it, more stronger than ever.
Congratulations to Mr. Gruevski, Milososki and Dimitrov who thwarted all Greek tricks and attempts via blackmail and threats to force a terrible name upon you. Everyone was aware Greece had intended to place its veto no matter what 'talks' were going on. "Change your name or veto" doesn't work. It may have worked in a dark back alley.
The Macedonian diplomats, I must admit, were much, much wiser than I thought. I suspected they would make a mistake because of their youth. I was very wrong, and I am glad.
With this veto, Greece has done a huge favor for Macedonia to finally stop all of this nonsense called 'negotiations'.
Greece saved Macedonia millions of Euros that they would have had to shell out each year for "NATO membership fees".
Instead, Macedonia will sign a military agreement with the US (much better than agreement with NATO) and will not shell out a cent.
Washington will take Macedonia under its wings as a guarantor and a protector. This type of agreement includes free weaponry. This is money that now Macedonia will get to keep and invest in its ever growing economy.
I suggest to you Macedonia, to enjoy this great victory, this is a great day for you.
Long live Alexandar's descendants.
William Reihman
Bush Urges Greece to Solve Name Row with Macedonia
US president George Bush called on Greece on Wednesday to refrain from vetoing Macedonia's bid to join NATO and urged Athens to find quick resolution of the name dispute with Skopje.
If Greece does otherwise, it would threaten to pile further pressure in the Balkan region, Bush said in a speech in Bucharest during the NATO summit that started on Wednesday.
"Tomorrow in recognition of their progress, NATO will make a historic decision on the admission of three Balkan nations Croatia, Albania and Macedonia," the president added.
Ahead of the NATO summit, Skopje declared the country wants to join the Alliance under the name Macedonia rather than as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), under which it was admitted to the UN in 1993.
At the same time Greece vows to veto Macedonia's effort to join NATO, saying the name is a vehicle that aims at annexing the northern Greek province of Macedonia.
If Greece does otherwise, it would threaten to pile further pressure in the Balkan region, Bush said in a speech in Bucharest during the NATO summit that started on Wednesday.
"Tomorrow in recognition of their progress, NATO will make a historic decision on the admission of three Balkan nations Croatia, Albania and Macedonia," the president added.
Ahead of the NATO summit, Skopje declared the country wants to join the Alliance under the name Macedonia rather than as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), under which it was admitted to the UN in 1993.
At the same time Greece vows to veto Macedonia's effort to join NATO, saying the name is a vehicle that aims at annexing the northern Greek province of Macedonia.
NATO postpones invitation to Macedonia to join
BUCHAREST (Reuters) - NATO leaders were unable to agree on Wednesday to invite Macedonia to join the alliance after NATO member Greece said it had still not resolved a dispute over the former Yugoslav republic's name, a NATO diplomat said.
"The invitation will be postponed," said a European NATO diplomat who was briefed on the outcome of a summit dinner of the 26 leaders.
Greece to veto Macedonia Nato bid
Greece says it is almost certain to veto Macedonia's bid to join Nato, following Macedonian portrayals of the Greek prime minister as a Nazi.
The two countries are also in dispute over the name "Macedonia" for Greece's northern neighbour.
Time is running out for a solution before the Nato summit in Bucharest, which opens on Wednesday evening.
US President George W Bush had hoped to invite Macedonia to join Nato, along with Albania and Croatia.
Athens is deeply offended by posters that have appeared in Skopje, which have the swastika superimposed on the Greek flag, as well as a magazine cover which depicts Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis as an SS officer.
And the Greeks feel insulted by recent images of their neighbour's prime minister laying a wreath by a flag showing a map of Greater Macedonia, which includes parts of Northern Greece.
Territorial claims
Greece's foreign minister, Dora Bakoyannis, says the dispute is not just over a name.
She says the government in Skopje regards the Greek province of Macedonia as occupied territory and has refused to remove such claims from textbooks speeches, maps and national documents.
Athens and Skopje have failed to reach an agreement on a new name for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Greece's stance remains - no deal, no invitation.
Greece is under huge pressure to back down.
The Americans say a dispute over who are the descendants of Macedonia's legendary king Alexander the Great cannot be allowed to derail Nato's expansion.
Other Nato allies are worried that closing the door on Skopje could lead to the break up of the country along ethnic lines between Slav Macedonians and the Albanian minority.
But compromising on what most Greeks regard as an unsatisfactory name would be political suicide for the Conservative government of Mr Karamanlis, and so the use of Greece's veto looks inevitable.
The two countries are also in dispute over the name "Macedonia" for Greece's northern neighbour.
Time is running out for a solution before the Nato summit in Bucharest, which opens on Wednesday evening.
US President George W Bush had hoped to invite Macedonia to join Nato, along with Albania and Croatia.
Athens is deeply offended by posters that have appeared in Skopje, which have the swastika superimposed on the Greek flag, as well as a magazine cover which depicts Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis as an SS officer.
And the Greeks feel insulted by recent images of their neighbour's prime minister laying a wreath by a flag showing a map of Greater Macedonia, which includes parts of Northern Greece.
Territorial claims
Greece's foreign minister, Dora Bakoyannis, says the dispute is not just over a name.
She says the government in Skopje regards the Greek province of Macedonia as occupied territory and has refused to remove such claims from textbooks speeches, maps and national documents.
Athens and Skopje have failed to reach an agreement on a new name for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Greece's stance remains - no deal, no invitation.
Greece is under huge pressure to back down.
The Americans say a dispute over who are the descendants of Macedonia's legendary king Alexander the Great cannot be allowed to derail Nato's expansion.
Other Nato allies are worried that closing the door on Skopje could lead to the break up of the country along ethnic lines between Slav Macedonians and the Albanian minority.
But compromising on what most Greeks regard as an unsatisfactory name would be political suicide for the Conservative government of Mr Karamanlis, and so the use of Greece's veto looks inevitable.
Macedonia's hopes for Nato invitation fading fast
Leaders of 26 members states of Nato, who descended on Bucharest for the alliance's three-day summit on April 2, have agreed to extend invitations to join the organisation to Albania and Croatia, but were yet to reach agreement on Macedonia's application.
Talks on the issue would continue on April 3, Nato spokesperson James Appathurai told reporters at a media briefing.
Greece has threatened to veto Macedonia's bid over the name dispute with Skopje. Greece refuses to accept its neighbour’s constitutional name, saying Macedonia is the name of Northern Greece and that having Skopje use it is indicative of its implicit territorial claims over the northern Greek province. The alliance uses the consensus principle, meaning that no decision can be made unless all member states are in agreement.
"The invitation will be postponed," one European Nato diplomat told Reuters.
Doing so would fuel radical feelings in the country and destabilise the region, Albania's prime minister Sali Berisha said. "The stability of this neighbor is very crucial for Albania, for Kosovo, for Greece, to Bulgaria, to all its neighbors. My fear is that radicals from all ethnicities there could be strengthened," he told Reuters.
A possible solution would be to extend a conditional invitation, pending the resolution of talks between Skopje and Athens, a British source familiar with the talks told Romanian-language news agency Newsin.
Georgia and Ukraine, two more countries hoping to secure membership action plans, the first step towards Nato membership, were unlikely to be successful, Reuters said.
Germany remains opposed to offer such roadmaps to the two former Soviet republics, considering them unprepared, despite strong lobbying from the US. Russia is also strongly against what it sees as an encroachment of its traditional sphere of influence.
Talks on the issue would continue on April 3, Nato spokesperson James Appathurai told reporters at a media briefing.
Greece has threatened to veto Macedonia's bid over the name dispute with Skopje. Greece refuses to accept its neighbour’s constitutional name, saying Macedonia is the name of Northern Greece and that having Skopje use it is indicative of its implicit territorial claims over the northern Greek province. The alliance uses the consensus principle, meaning that no decision can be made unless all member states are in agreement.
"The invitation will be postponed," one European Nato diplomat told Reuters.
Doing so would fuel radical feelings in the country and destabilise the region, Albania's prime minister Sali Berisha said. "The stability of this neighbor is very crucial for Albania, for Kosovo, for Greece, to Bulgaria, to all its neighbors. My fear is that radicals from all ethnicities there could be strengthened," he told Reuters.
A possible solution would be to extend a conditional invitation, pending the resolution of talks between Skopje and Athens, a British source familiar with the talks told Romanian-language news agency Newsin.
Georgia and Ukraine, two more countries hoping to secure membership action plans, the first step towards Nato membership, were unlikely to be successful, Reuters said.
Germany remains opposed to offer such roadmaps to the two former Soviet republics, considering them unprepared, despite strong lobbying from the US. Russia is also strongly against what it sees as an encroachment of its traditional sphere of influence.
Macedonia's NATO bid on ice as Croatia, Albania get nod
Bucharest - NATO leaders are set to invite Albania and Croatia into the alliance on Thursday, but they placed the aspirations of Macedonia on ice owing to its unresolved name dispute with Greece, NATO officials said Wednesday. "There is consensus for two of the three countries to be offered invitations to begin accession talks starting tomorrow," NATO spokesman James Appathurai said.
For Macedonia, Appathurai said that the Greek delegation had "made it very clear that until the name issue is resolved," offering NATO membership would "not be possible."
NATO has made expansion into the Western Balkans one of its top priorities. The alliance conducted its first major military campaign in the region nearly 10 years ago, still has a sizeable peacekeeping operation in Kosovo and consequently views NATO membership as a means of stabilizing that part of South-East Europe.
Albania, Croatia and Macedonia have all been offered NATO membership action plans (MAP), and at their last summit in Riga in 2006, the alliance's leaders told the trio that they were all likely to be invited into the organization at Bucharest, so long as they met NATO standards.
While Croatia and Albania were given the thumbs up by NATO leaders, Macedonia saw its chances effectively vetoed by Greece.
"No solution (of the Macedonia name issue) means no invitation," Greek Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyianni told reporters as she set off for Bucharest.
Greece argues that Skopje's use of the name Macedonia could pose an inherent claim on the northern Greek province, where Alexander the Great was born.
The country, independent since 1991, was admitted to the United Nations in 1993 under the provisional name of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
For Macedonia, Appathurai said that the Greek delegation had "made it very clear that until the name issue is resolved," offering NATO membership would "not be possible."
NATO has made expansion into the Western Balkans one of its top priorities. The alliance conducted its first major military campaign in the region nearly 10 years ago, still has a sizeable peacekeeping operation in Kosovo and consequently views NATO membership as a means of stabilizing that part of South-East Europe.
Albania, Croatia and Macedonia have all been offered NATO membership action plans (MAP), and at their last summit in Riga in 2006, the alliance's leaders told the trio that they were all likely to be invited into the organization at Bucharest, so long as they met NATO standards.
While Croatia and Albania were given the thumbs up by NATO leaders, Macedonia saw its chances effectively vetoed by Greece.
"No solution (of the Macedonia name issue) means no invitation," Greek Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyianni told reporters as she set off for Bucharest.
Greece argues that Skopje's use of the name Macedonia could pose an inherent claim on the northern Greek province, where Alexander the Great was born.
The country, independent since 1991, was admitted to the United Nations in 1993 under the provisional name of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
The last word: Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)
Macedonia's government is ready to ask parliament to consider a new name for the country to end a dispute with Greece and clear the way for it to begin NATO membership talks, Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki said yesterday.
Referring to a United Nations mediator's suggestion that the former Yugoslav republic change its name to Republic of Macedonia (Skopje), he said: "After 15 years of talks we think that this proposal is final in this process."
Milososki declined to say whether his government accepted the compromise name but said parliament would probably discuss the proposal on Monday.
It would be the first time a proposed name change has made it as far as the national assembly. It was not clear if Greece would accept the name as a compromise.
Pressure to resolve the dispute has intensified on the eve of a NATO summit in Romania next week, at which Balkan states Croatia, Albania and Macedonia are to be considered for membership of the Western alliance.
Greece threatens to veto Macedonia's move unless it changes its name, which is the same as Greece's northernmost province.
NATO and the European Union are eager to see a solution to the dispute for the sake of stability in the Balkans.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn voiced hope yesterday that the dispute would be settled soon.
Greece angered by offensive billboards in Skopje
Athens has condemned billboards in Skopje that show the Greek flag with a Nazi swastika in place of the white cross. Officials warned Monday (March 31st) that Macedonia's aspirations to join NATO could be harmed.
A private organisation reportedly put up the posters, as part of a promotional campaign for a photography and graphic arts exhibition. The Greek ambassador to Skopje, Alexandra Papadopoulou, has lodged a demarche with the Macedonian government, demanding their immediate removal.
Greek foreign ministry spokesman George Koumoutsakos said on Monday the billboards offended his country's national symbol and its "fight against fascism and Nazism" during World War II.
Describing the content of the posters as an abuse of the freedom of expression, Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki distanced the government from the billboards. He expressed his deep regret to Papadopoulou over the "particularly unfortunate incident taking place at a particularly crucial moment".
Macedonia has been hoping to receive an invitation to join NATO during the Alliance's summit in Bucharest that opens on Wednesday. The heads of state and government of the 26 member nations are expected to consider Albania, Croatia and Macedonia's membership bids during a formal debate on the military pact's further expansion Thursday. Admitting new members requires unanimous approval.
While voicing support for Albania and Croatia's bids, Greece has threatened to veto any decision to bring Macedonia into the Alliance unless a solution to the name dispute between the two countries is reached by the start of the summit.
Greece argues that its neighbour's use of the name "Macedonia" implies territorial claims on a northern Greek province, also called Macedonia. It wants the government in Skopje to agree to a modified name that would clearly distinguish the two.
UN special envoy Matthew Nimetz, who has been mediating the name talks between the two countries, has proposed a number of possible solutions in recent months. Each has been rejected by one or the other side.
Meanwhile, Greek Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis reiterated her country's determination to block Macedonia's NATO accession until the dispute is resolved.
"No mutually acceptable solution means no NATO invitation," she said on Monday. She reiterated, however, Greece's support for Albania and Croatia's bids.
Meanwhile, the Brussels-based journal Le Vif/L'Express reported on Monday that EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana has proposed the name "New Macedonia" as a compromise solution. The idea is one of several put forward that would retain the word "Macedonia" in combination with one or more additional terms.
US President: NATO Expansion 'Historic'
A historic decision on extending NATO membership to Croatia, Albania and Macedonia will be taken at the Bucharest Summit, U.S. President George Bush says.
The three countries are hoping to secure invitations to join the alliance at the Summit.
However, Greece is threatening to veto the invitation if Skopje does not change its country’s name.
Athens opposes to Skopje’s constitutional name “Republic of Macedonia” arguing that it might lead Skopje to make territorial claims over its own northern province which is also called Macedonia.
Media both in Athens and in Skopje say the Greek delegation is travelling to Bucharest with its veto for Macedonia already set, after the flurry of diplomatic efforts prior to the summit failed to reconcile both countries’ stances.
Greece has already rejected the last United Nations proposal for a compromise name while Macedonia has kept silent.
Top NATO and United States officials however say they hope the issue can be resolved in Bucharest at the last moment.
“The problem can and will be solved,” Greek media cited Bush as saying in an interview for Tuesday’s edition of German daily, Berliner Morgenpost.
He added that additional efforts were needed in order for that to happen.
Greek media speculate the U.S. is planning to let Macedonia be invited into NATO with the provisional name Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, under which it was admitted into the UN due to Greek pressure back in 1993.
Greece allegedly opposes this move and asked for Skopje’s invitation to be postponed.
Meanwhile Bush also told leaders at the summit that winning the fight in Afghanistan is the most important goal for NATO.
There has been concern that some states have not been contributing enough support to root out Taliban forces rooted in the country's lawless south.
He also pointed out that Georgia and Ukraine be allowed to join the Membership Action Plan, despite Russian protests and that NATO's doors are open for other countries too.
The NATO Summit will also address Russian concerns about a new United States missile defence shield, part of which will be located in Central Europe, and Russia's outgoing President Vladimir Putin has been invited to the meeting. Bush will hold talks with Putin later at Russia's Black Sea resort of Sochi.
Although not a NATO member, Russia has embarked on joint projects with the military alliance but relations remain fraught.
NATO was established in the 1949 at the height of the Cold War as a military alliance to counter "the Soviet threat." Moscow still often accuses NATO of being anti-Russian.
Bush pointed out that the three countries have succeeded in building free societies and their citizens deserve to have the security assured by NATO.
The three countries are hoping to secure invitations to join the alliance at the Summit.
However, Greece is threatening to veto the invitation if Skopje does not change its country’s name.
Athens opposes to Skopje’s constitutional name “Republic of Macedonia” arguing that it might lead Skopje to make territorial claims over its own northern province which is also called Macedonia.
Media both in Athens and in Skopje say the Greek delegation is travelling to Bucharest with its veto for Macedonia already set, after the flurry of diplomatic efforts prior to the summit failed to reconcile both countries’ stances.
Greece has already rejected the last United Nations proposal for a compromise name while Macedonia has kept silent.
Top NATO and United States officials however say they hope the issue can be resolved in Bucharest at the last moment.
“The problem can and will be solved,” Greek media cited Bush as saying in an interview for Tuesday’s edition of German daily, Berliner Morgenpost.
He added that additional efforts were needed in order for that to happen.
Greek media speculate the U.S. is planning to let Macedonia be invited into NATO with the provisional name Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, under which it was admitted into the UN due to Greek pressure back in 1993.
Greece allegedly opposes this move and asked for Skopje’s invitation to be postponed.
Meanwhile Bush also told leaders at the summit that winning the fight in Afghanistan is the most important goal for NATO.
There has been concern that some states have not been contributing enough support to root out Taliban forces rooted in the country's lawless south.
He also pointed out that Georgia and Ukraine be allowed to join the Membership Action Plan, despite Russian protests and that NATO's doors are open for other countries too.
The NATO Summit will also address Russian concerns about a new United States missile defence shield, part of which will be located in Central Europe, and Russia's outgoing President Vladimir Putin has been invited to the meeting. Bush will hold talks with Putin later at Russia's Black Sea resort of Sochi.
Although not a NATO member, Russia has embarked on joint projects with the military alliance but relations remain fraught.
NATO was established in the 1949 at the height of the Cold War as a military alliance to counter "the Soviet threat." Moscow still often accuses NATO of being anti-Russian.
Which Macedonia?
This week, the most powerful military alliance the world has ever known will meet at a time of growing global threats to international peace and security. But at the Nato summit in Bucharest, issues of Kosovo's independence, tensions in the Middle East, growing divisions with Russia, prospects of resolution of the Cyprus conflict, and membership prospects for Ukraine and Georgia, may have to take a backseat as ministers and generals debate the most weighty issue of all: what the Macedonians can call themselves.
At the summit, the Alliance was expected to extend membership invitations to Croatia, Albania and Macedonia, but Greece is blocking Skopje's bid due to the name issue. Athens' extreme diplomatic inhospitality towards its newest neighbour is rooted in the national indignation that another country should give itself the name of one of its own provinces, especially the one associated with Alexander the Great and Phillip of Macedonia, and fears that Skopje's use of the name implies a claim to the Greek northern province. Greece has already forced on the Macedonians the appalling moniker, "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia", or FYROM, in all international forums. As if Athens would ever accept to be called the "Former Ottoman Province of Greece".
To break the impasse before the summit, various compromises have been suggested, nearly all of which are as deeply insulting to Macedonians as FYROM. In the last few weeks, we've seen "New Macedonia" or "Upper Macedonia". The Macedonians have reportedly now agreed to add the geographic tagline: "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)" to meet a previous Greek demand, but even that is not apparently enough for the Greeks today. Talks have moved from the UN to Washington in hopes of a solution before a train wreck this week.
The notion that two geographic locations cannot share the same name would strike many as bizarre. Few would mistake Paris, France, for its counterpart in Texas, or Toledo, Spain, for its counterpart in Ohio. The residents of the Belgian province of Luxembourg have never been threatened by the country of the same name, nor by the Luxembourg Palace in the aforementioned Paris - France, that is. There are so many Springfields in the US that it has become an inside joke on The Simpsons.
Unfortunately, Greek intransigence on the Macedonian name issue is not just an amusing or annoying nationalist throwback. It has real and damaging consequences, not least for Balkan - including Greek - security and stability. Macedonia's membership in Nato would stabilise the region and Greece's relations with its neighbours in the same way that Turkey's membership has. It would facilitate an open dialogue on all issues. A stable, secure and prosperous Macedonia, whatever its people choose to call themselves, will only be good for Greece.
Contrast those strategic interests with the apparent threat that Greece seems to fear. Does Athens really think that the country of Macedonia, with some two million relatively poor people, wants to take over a region in Greece which is far richer and five times more populous? Do they believe that Skopje is pushing the territorial claims of Alexander and seeking an empire stretching not just to Thessaloniki, but all the way to Afghanistan and Egypt?
There are real and practical solutions here. Nearly seven years ago, the International Crisis Group suggested a compromise under which the UN, Nato, the European Union and other international organisations would use the Macedonian-language "Republika Makedonija". This would come in the context of a bilateral treaty between Skopje and Athens in which Macedonia would commit to fair treatment of the Greek cultural heritage in the Macedonian educational curriculum, agree that Greece could use its own name for the state of Macedonia, and commit to strict protection against any Macedonian exploitation of its constitutional name to disadvantage Greece commercially or legally. Alternatively, a solution that includes a geographic qualifier is still a workable option. Both should be considered.
Athens has long-standing and legitimate concerns on key issues being considered in the context of Nato, as well as the European Union, including the futures of Cyprus and Kosovo. These are serious issues involving serious debates. By sticking to a hardline - and, some would say, frivolous - position on the Macedonian name issue, it is risking its credibility on these questions. More importantly, it is risking adding another element of instability in a region that has already seen far too much tragedy in the recent past. Greece should know better: its friends and allies from around the world - including from Athens, Georgia - should tell them this in no uncertain terms.
At the summit, the Alliance was expected to extend membership invitations to Croatia, Albania and Macedonia, but Greece is blocking Skopje's bid due to the name issue. Athens' extreme diplomatic inhospitality towards its newest neighbour is rooted in the national indignation that another country should give itself the name of one of its own provinces, especially the one associated with Alexander the Great and Phillip of Macedonia, and fears that Skopje's use of the name implies a claim to the Greek northern province. Greece has already forced on the Macedonians the appalling moniker, "Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia", or FYROM, in all international forums. As if Athens would ever accept to be called the "Former Ottoman Province of Greece".
To break the impasse before the summit, various compromises have been suggested, nearly all of which are as deeply insulting to Macedonians as FYROM. In the last few weeks, we've seen "New Macedonia" or "Upper Macedonia". The Macedonians have reportedly now agreed to add the geographic tagline: "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)" to meet a previous Greek demand, but even that is not apparently enough for the Greeks today. Talks have moved from the UN to Washington in hopes of a solution before a train wreck this week.
The notion that two geographic locations cannot share the same name would strike many as bizarre. Few would mistake Paris, France, for its counterpart in Texas, or Toledo, Spain, for its counterpart in Ohio. The residents of the Belgian province of Luxembourg have never been threatened by the country of the same name, nor by the Luxembourg Palace in the aforementioned Paris - France, that is. There are so many Springfields in the US that it has become an inside joke on The Simpsons.
Unfortunately, Greek intransigence on the Macedonian name issue is not just an amusing or annoying nationalist throwback. It has real and damaging consequences, not least for Balkan - including Greek - security and stability. Macedonia's membership in Nato would stabilise the region and Greece's relations with its neighbours in the same way that Turkey's membership has. It would facilitate an open dialogue on all issues. A stable, secure and prosperous Macedonia, whatever its people choose to call themselves, will only be good for Greece.
Contrast those strategic interests with the apparent threat that Greece seems to fear. Does Athens really think that the country of Macedonia, with some two million relatively poor people, wants to take over a region in Greece which is far richer and five times more populous? Do they believe that Skopje is pushing the territorial claims of Alexander and seeking an empire stretching not just to Thessaloniki, but all the way to Afghanistan and Egypt?
There are real and practical solutions here. Nearly seven years ago, the International Crisis Group suggested a compromise under which the UN, Nato, the European Union and other international organisations would use the Macedonian-language "Republika Makedonija". This would come in the context of a bilateral treaty between Skopje and Athens in which Macedonia would commit to fair treatment of the Greek cultural heritage in the Macedonian educational curriculum, agree that Greece could use its own name for the state of Macedonia, and commit to strict protection against any Macedonian exploitation of its constitutional name to disadvantage Greece commercially or legally. Alternatively, a solution that includes a geographic qualifier is still a workable option. Both should be considered.
Athens has long-standing and legitimate concerns on key issues being considered in the context of Nato, as well as the European Union, including the futures of Cyprus and Kosovo. These are serious issues involving serious debates. By sticking to a hardline - and, some would say, frivolous - position on the Macedonian name issue, it is risking its credibility on these questions. More importantly, it is risking adding another element of instability in a region that has already seen far too much tragedy in the recent past. Greece should know better: its friends and allies from around the world - including from Athens, Georgia - should tell them this in no uncertain terms.
Greece insists on veto unless name dispute resolved
Greek Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis reiterated Athens' threat to veto Macedonia's NATO entry at the upcoming summit in Bucharest unless the two countries can resolve the long-standing dispute over Macedonia's name.
"We have made our position clear: If there is no solution, there will be no invitation for the neighboring country to join NATO," Bakoyannis said on Monday.
According to Bakoyannis, Greece wants to fully normalize its relations with Macedonia on the basis of a mutually agreeable solution.
Macedonia, Croatia and Albania hope to secure NATO membership invitations at the upcoming NATO summit in Bucharest.
Greek government spokesman Theodoros Roussopoulos said Monday that Greece won't quit its threat to veto Macedonia's NATO entry under the reference FYROM, a provisional name by which Macedonia was admitted to the United Nations.
"We did everything we could to persuade our neighbours to take the necessary steps for resolution," Roussopoulos said.
He added that Greece is not ready to make further concessions apart from the ones already made.
"The correctness of our position arises from history," Greek government spokesman said.
"We have made our position clear: If there is no solution, there will be no invitation for the neighboring country to join NATO," Bakoyannis said on Monday.
According to Bakoyannis, Greece wants to fully normalize its relations with Macedonia on the basis of a mutually agreeable solution.
Macedonia, Croatia and Albania hope to secure NATO membership invitations at the upcoming NATO summit in Bucharest.
Greek government spokesman Theodoros Roussopoulos said Monday that Greece won't quit its threat to veto Macedonia's NATO entry under the reference FYROM, a provisional name by which Macedonia was admitted to the United Nations.
"We did everything we could to persuade our neighbours to take the necessary steps for resolution," Roussopoulos said.
He added that Greece is not ready to make further concessions apart from the ones already made.
"The correctness of our position arises from history," Greek government spokesman said.
Macedonia row overshadows NATO summit
The Nato summit in Bucharest is being overshadowed by what American officials have reportedly called "the world's stupidest major issue".
The vitriolic dispute between Greece and its northern neighbour over claims to the name Macedonia threaten to derail plans to extend Nato membership in the Balkans - one of the major aims of the summit.
Macedonia row overshadows NATO summit
A billboard for an art exhibition in FYROM depicting the Greek flag with a swastika in place of its white cross
The name is used both by a northern Greek province as well as the country formally known as "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" (FYROM), but which calls itself the Republic of Macedonia.
Bitter arguments about the issue have been going on for years, but have been further poisoned by billboards in FYROM featuring the Greek flag with a swastika in place of its white cross.
The poster campaign, which was part of a private publicity campaign for an art exhibition, has been greeted with outrage in Athens, whose ambassador to Washington promptly wrote a letter of complaint to US President George W Bush.
President Bush is one of the biggest backers of Nato expansion in the Balkans, and FYROM - where the US is building a vast new embassy complex - is a particular ally.
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But Greece has repeatedly warned that however trivial the issue may appear to outsiders, it is willing to veto FYROM's candidacy for Nato unless its neighbour backs down over claims to the name Macedonia.
"The name 'Republic of Macedonia is not a phantom fear for us Greeks," wrote Greek foreign minister Dora Bakoyannis. "It is linked with a deliberate plan to take over a part of Greek territory."
The government in FYROM's capital Skopje, which has condemned the swastika posters in the city, has repeatedly denied that it has territorial ambitions in northern Greece.
It is thought to be willing to compromise by considering the name "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)" which has been put forward as a compromise by the United Nations.
Greece however, is determined that FYROM should been known as "Upper" or "Northern" Macedonia. "We are prepared to accept a compound name," noted Ms Bakoyannis.
The details are proving infuriating for Mr Bush. US officials have reportedly called the name dispute "stupid" and the US state department has suggested that FYROM could join Nato without an agreement with Greece.
"We believe the decisions that are taken on Nato membership ought to be based on whether the countries meet the qualifications and criteria that Nato has established for them," said spokesman Tom Casey.
But that has prompted renewed outrage in Athens, where relations with America are often tinged with suspicion.
"Trickery and pressure from Washington over FYROM," noted Kathermerini, one of its main papers while another, Avriani, headlined that with no Greek compromise "the Americans threaten to topple [Greek Prime Minister Costas] Karamanlis".
The vitriolic dispute between Greece and its northern neighbour over claims to the name Macedonia threaten to derail plans to extend Nato membership in the Balkans - one of the major aims of the summit.
Macedonia row overshadows NATO summit
A billboard for an art exhibition in FYROM depicting the Greek flag with a swastika in place of its white cross
The name is used both by a northern Greek province as well as the country formally known as "the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" (FYROM), but which calls itself the Republic of Macedonia.
Bitter arguments about the issue have been going on for years, but have been further poisoned by billboards in FYROM featuring the Greek flag with a swastika in place of its white cross.
The poster campaign, which was part of a private publicity campaign for an art exhibition, has been greeted with outrage in Athens, whose ambassador to Washington promptly wrote a letter of complaint to US President George W Bush.
President Bush is one of the biggest backers of Nato expansion in the Balkans, and FYROM - where the US is building a vast new embassy complex - is a particular ally.
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But Greece has repeatedly warned that however trivial the issue may appear to outsiders, it is willing to veto FYROM's candidacy for Nato unless its neighbour backs down over claims to the name Macedonia.
"The name 'Republic of Macedonia is not a phantom fear for us Greeks," wrote Greek foreign minister Dora Bakoyannis. "It is linked with a deliberate plan to take over a part of Greek territory."
The government in FYROM's capital Skopje, which has condemned the swastika posters in the city, has repeatedly denied that it has territorial ambitions in northern Greece.
It is thought to be willing to compromise by considering the name "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)" which has been put forward as a compromise by the United Nations.
Greece however, is determined that FYROM should been known as "Upper" or "Northern" Macedonia. "We are prepared to accept a compound name," noted Ms Bakoyannis.
The details are proving infuriating for Mr Bush. US officials have reportedly called the name dispute "stupid" and the US state department has suggested that FYROM could join Nato without an agreement with Greece.
"We believe the decisions that are taken on Nato membership ought to be based on whether the countries meet the qualifications and criteria that Nato has established for them," said spokesman Tom Casey.
But that has prompted renewed outrage in Athens, where relations with America are often tinged with suspicion.
"Trickery and pressure from Washington over FYROM," noted Kathermerini, one of its main papers while another, Avriani, headlined that with no Greek compromise "the Americans threaten to topple [Greek Prime Minister Costas] Karamanlis".
Tuesday, April 01, 2008
Macedonia Explains 'Offensive' Greek Flag
Macedonia’s Government has distanced itself from billboards depicting the Greek flag with a swastika which has caused outcry in Greece.
“We would like to distance ourselves from any visual symbols or rhetorical messages that have an offensive connotation,” the Government’s press service said in a statement on Monday, noting that the billboards are part of a private exhibition.
The billboards promoting the art exhibition, display Greek flags with a swastika replacing the white cross.
The Government has already told the Greek Ambassador to
The billboards have caused an outcry in
“It directly offends the national symbol of our country and our fight against fascism and Nazism,” Greek Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Jorgos Koumoutsakos told media on Sunday.
He added that
“This incident shows that those who invest in chauvinism and fanaticism are making a big mistake, and confirms the correctness of the Greek stance, concretely, that in order to create relations of solidarity, practices of good neighbourly relations between the countries and people need to be respected,” he said.
Some Macedonian media also condemned the billboards.
“Someone is obviously trying to spark national hatred,” commented Monday’s edition of Vecer.
Skopje and Athens are engaged in a long running dispute over the name ‘
Government disassociates itself from billboards
Macedonian government disassociated itself from the billboards placed in Skopje, at which the cross on the Greek flag is replaced with swastika cross.
"The government of the Republic of Macedonia wants to make it clear that it has nothing to do with this manifestation or with these billboards," says the written statement of the government's spokesman Ivica Bocevski.
"Nonetheless, if somebody finds the appearance of the poster offensive, we would like to disassociate ourselves from any visual symbols or rhetorical messages that carry such connotations," Bocevski said in the statement.
Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki conveyed today to the Greek Ambassador the government's position relating this issue, reiterating Macedonia's intention and practice of building good-neighborly relations.
"The government of the Republic of Macedonia wants to make it clear that it has nothing to do with this manifestation or with these billboards," says the written statement of the government's spokesman Ivica Bocevski.
"Nonetheless, if somebody finds the appearance of the poster offensive, we would like to disassociate ourselves from any visual symbols or rhetorical messages that carry such connotations," Bocevski said in the statement.
Macedonian Foreign Minister Antonio Milososki conveyed today to the Greek Ambassador the government's position relating this issue, reiterating Macedonia's intention and practice of building good-neighborly relations.
Macedonia name row goes to the brink of NATO summit
Macedonia on Monday cancelled a parliamentary debate on changing the country's name, saying it had no guarantee the proposed change would satisfy Greece and clinch an invitation this week to join NATO.
Its decision takes the long-running Macedonia name dispute to the brink on the eve of a NATO summit in Romania on April 2-4, at which Croatia, Albania and Macedonia are to be considered for membership of the Western alliance.
NATO member Greece threatens to veto the invitation if the former Yugoslav republic does not change its constitutional name, which is the same as Greece's northernmost province, birthplace of Alexander the Great.
United Nations mediator Matthew Nimetz has proposed "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)".
Macedonia last week said it would let the national assembly vote on this proposal, for the first time in the 17-year dispute. But with no sign Greece would approve the compromise, the government said on Monday it would wait.
"Where is the guarantee that if we accept this proposal, we will receive an invitation to NATO?" a senior government official told Reuters, asking not to be named.
A government statement said it had concluded that any session of parliament would be held, if there were a need for it, "at the last possible moment, so that the legislature can be presented with the most actual and relevant information."
Greece is not satisfied with the "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje) and does not see it as suitable compromise.
NATO and the European Union are eager to see a solution to the dispute for the sake of stability in the Balkans.
Western diplomacy pulled Macedonia from the brink of all-out ethnic war in 2001, ending a six-month Albanian insurgency with the promise of greater rights for the country's 25-percent Albanian minority.
Macedonia borders Kosovo, where 2 million Albanians last month declared independence from Serbia with Western backing.
Macedonia uses its name in bilateral ties with many states, but is called "The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" at the United Nations, and by NATO and the European Union. It split from Yugoslavia in 1991. (Writing by Matt Robinson; editing by Douglas Hamilton and Jon Boyle)
Its decision takes the long-running Macedonia name dispute to the brink on the eve of a NATO summit in Romania on April 2-4, at which Croatia, Albania and Macedonia are to be considered for membership of the Western alliance.
NATO member Greece threatens to veto the invitation if the former Yugoslav republic does not change its constitutional name, which is the same as Greece's northernmost province, birthplace of Alexander the Great.
United Nations mediator Matthew Nimetz has proposed "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)".
Macedonia last week said it would let the national assembly vote on this proposal, for the first time in the 17-year dispute. But with no sign Greece would approve the compromise, the government said on Monday it would wait.
"Where is the guarantee that if we accept this proposal, we will receive an invitation to NATO?" a senior government official told Reuters, asking not to be named.
A government statement said it had concluded that any session of parliament would be held, if there were a need for it, "at the last possible moment, so that the legislature can be presented with the most actual and relevant information."
Greece is not satisfied with the "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje) and does not see it as suitable compromise.
NATO and the European Union are eager to see a solution to the dispute for the sake of stability in the Balkans.
Western diplomacy pulled Macedonia from the brink of all-out ethnic war in 2001, ending a six-month Albanian insurgency with the promise of greater rights for the country's 25-percent Albanian minority.
Macedonia borders Kosovo, where 2 million Albanians last month declared independence from Serbia with Western backing.
Macedonia uses its name in bilateral ties with many states, but is called "The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia" at the United Nations, and by NATO and the European Union. It split from Yugoslavia in 1991. (Writing by Matt Robinson; editing by Douglas Hamilton and Jon Boyle)
All in a Name
All in a Name
By DORA BAKOYANNIS
ATHENS -- The NATO summit comes to Southeastern Europe this week, and Greece is looking forward to it. The choice of Bucharest as the summit's host holds stark symbolism. Romania, having joined, alongside Bulgaria, the trans-Atlantic alliance in 2004 and the European Union last year, is a clear success story for our neighborhood.
As the region's oldest NATO and EU member, Greece feels a profound obligation to be constructive, supportive and practical regarding our neighbors. We wholeheartedly espouse the policy of enlargement, and I am happy to say that two members of the so-called "Adriatic Three," Croatia and Albania, are today in a position to further the principles of the North Atlantic Treaty and earn their invitation to NATO in Bucharest. However, it saddens me that we cannot so far say the same about our neighbor, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (Fyrom).
For over 15 years, our two countries have been involved in United Nations-sponsored negotiations regarding Fyrom's name. Greece has real and concrete concerns over the issue. What's in a name, you may ask? A great deal, I can assure you. The term "Macedonia" has always been used to delineate a wider geographical region, approximately 51% of which is part of Greece, 38% of which is in Fyrom, and 9% of which is in Bulgaria.
Not only does the government in Skopje insist on being the sole claimant to the name of an entire area -- the largest part of which lies outside its borders -- but authorities in Fyrom insist on portraying Greek Macedonia as "occupied" territory. While government leaders declare they have no designs on Greek territory, they refuse to remove such claims from textbooks, state maps and national documents. Only a few weeks ago, the country's prime minister was photographed laying a wreath on a monument to which a map of the so-called "Greater Macedonia" was attached; the map incorporated a considerable part of Northern Greece, including Greece's second-largest city, Thessaloniki.
Winston Churchill is said to have observed once that "The Balkans produce much more history than they can consume." Make no mistake: Given this sensitive region's historical baggage, the monopolization of the term Macedonia by a single state is in no way conducive to good neighborly relations or regional stability. Perpetuating problems is always a recipe for trouble. We need a real solution to a real problem.
And we are not alone in our quest. In the U.S. Congress, 115 members, both Republicans and Democrats, recently co-sponsored House Resolution 356, which expressed the "sense of the House of Representatives that Fyrom should stop hostile activities and propaganda against Greece, and should work with the United Nations and Greece to find a mutually acceptable official name." Senators Robert Menendez, Olympia Snowe and Barack Obama introduced a similar resolution in the Senate.
Greece has spared no effort in responding to Fyrom's quest for economic growth and political stability. Greece is the country's largest foreign investor, with over $1 billion invested and more than 20,000 jobs created in the last decade, and is one of its biggest trade partners.
We have come to the table with a clear objective: A long-overdue, mutually acceptable, composite name that includes the designation of Macedonia, but attaches an adjective to it to distinguish it from the broader geographical area of Macedonia. Greece has engaged in this process constructively and with an open mind. In an unprecedented policy shift, our government has unilaterally gone two-thirds of the way, accepting a number of proposals from U.N. mediator Matthew Nimetz as a basis for discussion. We have proven to be considerably flexible in our quest for a win-win solution.
Unfortunately, our friends in Skopje have so far failed to cover any ground. They will not even agree to the basis of our talks, although it is clearly defined in two U.N. Security Council resolutions and one General Assembly resolution.
Their counterproductive policy violates the basic principle of good neighborly relations -- a fundamental condition for any candidate country's Euro-Atlantic aspirations. As far as NATO is concerned, the Alliance has been unwavering in its demand that aspirant countries fulfill this criterion. NATO has consistently encouraged full normalization of relations not only with aspirants themselves but with neighboring third countries not belonging to the Alliance.
Greece will spare no effort in reaching a real and viable solution for the sake of peace and stability in the region. Alliances and partnerships, however, can only be fostered among countries if there is mutual trust and goodwill.
Ms. Bakoyannis is Greece's foreign minister.
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