Lawyers for Ljube Boskovski say the former Macedonian interior minister's request for provisional release has again been rejected for the same reasons as before -- insufficient guarantees that the indictee would be available to the court when his trial opens, and that he might pressure witnesses.
"The basic reason for the rejection was the partial guarantee by the Croatian government that cannot be called a guarantee," attorney Dragan Godzo said. Zagreb had submitted a guarantee supporting Boskovski's release, provided he stays within Macedonian territory.
The ex-minister, who holds dual Croatian and Macedonian citizenship, has been detained in Scheveningen since March 2005, together with security official Johan Tarculovski. They are the only Macedonian war crimes indictees.
Under a joint indictment, each faces three counts of violations of the laws or customs of war in connection with an August 2001 raid on the village of Ljuboten, during the interethnic conflict in Macedonia.
The specific violations include killings, beatings and arson allegedly committed by a police unit under Tarculovski's command. As interior minister, Boskovski had command authority over the police and knowledge of the incidents at Ljuboten, but failed to prevent the criminal acts, properly investigate them, or punish those involved, the prosecution charges.
While interior minister, Boskovski cultivated a hardline image, personally commanding a paramilitary unit as tensions rose between the authorities and ethnic Albanian militants.
He has also been charged in Macedonia in connection with the killings of six Pakistanis and one Indian by Macedonian police at Rastanski Lozja outside Skopje on 2 March 2002. Boskovski had claimed his forces were thwarting Islamic terrorists, but prosecutors say that the men were migrants and that Boskovski staged the killings. The Hague court has not charged him in that case.
Boskovski fled to Croatia in 2004, and was subsequently arrested in Pula. He was extradited to The Hague on 24 March 2005, preceded eight days earlier by Tarculovski.
His flight was cited by the court last year as one of the reasons for denying provisional release. According to the tribunal, the Macedonian government had been unable to ensure he stayed in the country.
Wednesday, July 12, 2006
Oh, yes, Macedonia
They had Parliamentary elections last week. Nobody much noticed, but,
1) The voting was conducted in good order and -- according to international observers -- was, for the most part, fair and without irregularities;
2) The opposition won a fairly clear victory; and,
3) The government promptly acknowledged the opposition victory, and is handing over power forthwith.
This is no small thing in Macedonia, an ethnically divided country with a long and miserable history of political violence. A bit more below the fold.
The new government will consist of the conservatives, VMRO-DPMN (don’t ask), and their Albanian allies. This seems to fit a pattern I commented on last year, in which successful Balkan governments, usually of the center-left, have been punished at the polls for not being successful enough.
You may recall that Macedonia is about 30% Albanian, and that this has caused some problems… most notably a short but vicious civil war in 2001-2. At that time, it seemed like no Parliamentary political solution could easily accomodate such a large minority; if part of a government, they’d dominate it, but if kept out, they’d revolt.
The Albanians, bless their little hearts, neatly solved the problem by splitting into two parties, which look set to alternate in power and opposition. The last government consisted of the Big Albanian Party (it’s called the BPI, did you really need to know that?) and the Socialists. This government will consist of the the Little Albanian Party in coalition with the conservatives.
Of course, this being the Balkans, nothing is entirely easy. The split between the two Albanian parties is no joke. To oversimplify, Big Party claims to be the sole legitimate representative of the Albanians. Little Party, of course, disagrees. The division is not artificial, and the two despise each other with real and passionate sincerity. On election night, both claimed the main square of Tetovo (the major Albanian city) for their victory celebration. Since members of both parties showed up armed, there was serious fear of violence. It didn’t happen, thank goodness, but Big Party has gone into a Homeric sulk and is muttering darkly about refusing to recognize the new government.
Also, while election day went off rather smoothly, the campaign was bumpy, with threats of violence and a great deal of ugly language thrown among the candidates. Particulary (sigh) on the Albanian side.
So there’s still room for improvement. But still: Macedonia has come a very long way in a very short time. Compare and contrast to, say, Albania’s election last year, where Fatos Nano clung to office for nearly two months before finally conceding defeat with as much ill grace as possible. By regional standards, they’re doing very well indeed.
Oh, and Macedonia is an EU candidate. One of just three, along with Croatia and Turkey. That still blows my mind. Macedonia says it wants to join in 2012, which would put it a couple of years behind Croatia but well ahead of any other possible entrant. I’ve always thought that was ridiculously optimistic, but who knows? Macedonia has been surprising us for a little while now.
1) The voting was conducted in good order and -- according to international observers -- was, for the most part, fair and without irregularities;
2) The opposition won a fairly clear victory; and,
3) The government promptly acknowledged the opposition victory, and is handing over power forthwith.
This is no small thing in Macedonia, an ethnically divided country with a long and miserable history of political violence. A bit more below the fold.
The new government will consist of the conservatives, VMRO-DPMN (don’t ask), and their Albanian allies. This seems to fit a pattern I commented on last year, in which successful Balkan governments, usually of the center-left, have been punished at the polls for not being successful enough.
You may recall that Macedonia is about 30% Albanian, and that this has caused some problems… most notably a short but vicious civil war in 2001-2. At that time, it seemed like no Parliamentary political solution could easily accomodate such a large minority; if part of a government, they’d dominate it, but if kept out, they’d revolt.
The Albanians, bless their little hearts, neatly solved the problem by splitting into two parties, which look set to alternate in power and opposition. The last government consisted of the Big Albanian Party (it’s called the BPI, did you really need to know that?) and the Socialists. This government will consist of the the Little Albanian Party in coalition with the conservatives.
Of course, this being the Balkans, nothing is entirely easy. The split between the two Albanian parties is no joke. To oversimplify, Big Party claims to be the sole legitimate representative of the Albanians. Little Party, of course, disagrees. The division is not artificial, and the two despise each other with real and passionate sincerity. On election night, both claimed the main square of Tetovo (the major Albanian city) for their victory celebration. Since members of both parties showed up armed, there was serious fear of violence. It didn’t happen, thank goodness, but Big Party has gone into a Homeric sulk and is muttering darkly about refusing to recognize the new government.
Also, while election day went off rather smoothly, the campaign was bumpy, with threats of violence and a great deal of ugly language thrown among the candidates. Particulary (sigh) on the Albanian side.
So there’s still room for improvement. But still: Macedonia has come a very long way in a very short time. Compare and contrast to, say, Albania’s election last year, where Fatos Nano clung to office for nearly two months before finally conceding defeat with as much ill grace as possible. By regional standards, they’re doing very well indeed.
Oh, and Macedonia is an EU candidate. One of just three, along with Croatia and Turkey. That still blows my mind. Macedonia says it wants to join in 2012, which would put it a couple of years behind Croatia but well ahead of any other possible entrant. I’ve always thought that was ridiculously optimistic, but who knows? Macedonia has been surprising us for a little while now.
Macedonia’s rocky road to democracy
Elections are an impassioned affair almost everywhere. But when observers described last week’s parliamentary elections in Macedonia[1] as “explosive” they weren’t just referring to the political rhetoric. Within days of the election’s announcement on June 15, violence broke out between supporters of both the two largest ethnic Albanian parties, the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) and Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), as well as among those of the two main ethnic-Macedonian parties, the governing Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) and the nationalist opposition VMRO-DPMNE. Reported incidents included a grenade attack on a party headquarters and a shooting outside a shopping centre in the capital, Skopje.
With OSCE election monitors having already raised “serious concerns” at the violence and irregularities that marred the 2002 parliamentary elections, many hoped that this year’s elections would mark a significant step on the country’s road towards political normality. The signing of a “code of conduct” between the main political leaders to ensure a fair election looked like a move in the right direction. But although the election day itself was reassuringly peacefully, with Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski quickly conceding defeat to opposition leader Nikola Gruevski, at least 20 violent incidents were reported in June alone. In a joint statement, EU Special Representative Erwan Fouere and US Ambassador Gillian Milovanovic jointly expressed their “grave concern” at the pre-election violence and said such acts threatened “serious and damaging consequences for [the country’s] Euro-Atlantic membership aspirations.” Fortunately for Macedonia it appears that such warnings were eventually heeded.
The roadmap through the mountains
The recent violence is symptomatic of wider problems in Macedonia, however. In spite of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001 at the behest of NATO and the EU, which pulled the country away from the brink of civil war, significant ethnic and political tensions persist. While the agreement attempted to address the issue of minority rights in return for the rejection of violence and respect of the country’s territorial boundaries on the part of the ethnic Albanian insurgents, it did not offer a comprehensive roadmap for structural and judicial reforms. The agreement also led to former insurgents, such as Ali Ahmeti of the DUI, entering the government. The result has been a fragile peace and what the International Crisis Group describes as “an immature democracy, vulnerable to spoilers seeking to hijack or exploit an imperfect reform process.” And such spoilers have much to gain. Not only is corruption rife, but recent fractures in the ethnic Macedonian vote mean that the victorious VMRO-DPMNE will be more reliant than ever on an ethnic Albanian party as a coalition partner. In return, the latter can expect control over key ministries, such as economy and labour.
The hills surrounding Skopje symbolise perfectly the obstacles that this country of two million people will have to surmount in the years to come. With official unemployment stuck at 38%, the judiciary “long…recognised as inefficient, corrupt and subject to political influence,” and even the country’s name still a source of dispute, Macedonians will hope that the election of a new government will not so much lead to a change of direction as to an acceleration of the economic and judicial reforms that have already begun. Nervous onlookers, such as the EU which granted Macedonia candidate status last December, will be hoping for much the same.
[1]The country’s name remains a source of dispute, with the UN and EU recognising it as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) while the US, China and Russia recognise it by its constitutional name, the Republic of Macedonia. I use the country’s constitutional name for pragmatic rather than political reasons but in full cognisance of the issues at stake.
With OSCE election monitors having already raised “serious concerns” at the violence and irregularities that marred the 2002 parliamentary elections, many hoped that this year’s elections would mark a significant step on the country’s road towards political normality. The signing of a “code of conduct” between the main political leaders to ensure a fair election looked like a move in the right direction. But although the election day itself was reassuringly peacefully, with Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski quickly conceding defeat to opposition leader Nikola Gruevski, at least 20 violent incidents were reported in June alone. In a joint statement, EU Special Representative Erwan Fouere and US Ambassador Gillian Milovanovic jointly expressed their “grave concern” at the pre-election violence and said such acts threatened “serious and damaging consequences for [the country’s] Euro-Atlantic membership aspirations.” Fortunately for Macedonia it appears that such warnings were eventually heeded.
The roadmap through the mountains
The recent violence is symptomatic of wider problems in Macedonia, however. In spite of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001 at the behest of NATO and the EU, which pulled the country away from the brink of civil war, significant ethnic and political tensions persist. While the agreement attempted to address the issue of minority rights in return for the rejection of violence and respect of the country’s territorial boundaries on the part of the ethnic Albanian insurgents, it did not offer a comprehensive roadmap for structural and judicial reforms. The agreement also led to former insurgents, such as Ali Ahmeti of the DUI, entering the government. The result has been a fragile peace and what the International Crisis Group describes as “an immature democracy, vulnerable to spoilers seeking to hijack or exploit an imperfect reform process.” And such spoilers have much to gain. Not only is corruption rife, but recent fractures in the ethnic Macedonian vote mean that the victorious VMRO-DPMNE will be more reliant than ever on an ethnic Albanian party as a coalition partner. In return, the latter can expect control over key ministries, such as economy and labour.
The hills surrounding Skopje symbolise perfectly the obstacles that this country of two million people will have to surmount in the years to come. With official unemployment stuck at 38%, the judiciary “long…recognised as inefficient, corrupt and subject to political influence,” and even the country’s name still a source of dispute, Macedonians will hope that the election of a new government will not so much lead to a change of direction as to an acceleration of the economic and judicial reforms that have already begun. Nervous onlookers, such as the EU which granted Macedonia candidate status last December, will be hoping for much the same.
[1]The country’s name remains a source of dispute, with the UN and EU recognising it as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) while the US, China and Russia recognise it by its constitutional name, the Republic of Macedonia. I use the country’s constitutional name for pragmatic rather than political reasons but in full cognisance of the issues at stake.
Just-in-Time Delivery
Polling day was uneventful, but overall Macedonia's elections were simply not good enough.
When last year Macedonia gained official European Union candidate status – but without an actual date for the start of negotiations – the country’s ability to organize free, peaceful, and democratic elections was listed as the most important test of its readiness for further integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Now that the 5 July general elections are behind us, could we say that Macedonia has passed that test?
In many important respects the answer to this question must be positive. The polling day was largely peaceful and orderly, with very few incidents and all of those minor ones. The results were announced promptly and complaints of irregularity – there weren’t many – were dealt with efficiently. Most importantly, the main losers, Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski’s Social Democratic Union (SDSM), conceded immediately and urged the winners, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), to form a government as soon as possible in order to continue with the country’s efforts to join the EU. VMRO-DPMNE leader Nikola Gruevski has already held constructive talks with potential coalition partners and it now looks as though the country will have a new government soon. So does this mean a clean bill of health for Macedonia’s democracy? The country has, to quote the Skopje daily Dnevnik, "passed the test of political and democratic maturity," hasn’t it?
BANGING HEADS
While a sigh of relief is in order, any "yes" to such questions must be qualified, and rather elaborately. What this election lacked to be regarded as impeccably democratic is some sense of ordinariness about it. There were very few things about the election that people took for granted. The campaign started in mid-June in a way that reminded many of previous election dramas or even of the turmoil of 2001, when the country was briefly on the verge of an all-out civil war. Incidents, many involving intimidation, the use of brute force, and even firearms, occurred daily.
This prompted urgent action by a worried international community in Macedonia. As it often happens in this part of the world, local representatives of major international actors – the United States, the EU and its most powerful members, as well as major international organizations such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) – joined forces to bang some local heads together.
In the past, the fact that international intervention resulted in an almost immediate end to the violence and other meddling with the election process would have merited praise for cooperativeness. Now that Macedonia is an official candidate for full EU membership, the international community as well as the majority of Macedonian citizens who had nothing to do with the campaign incidents have every right to be frustrated that an intervention was needed in the first place.
Utrinski Vesnik, another Skopje daily, described the election day as "relatively boring." The day was, in fact, far from boring. True, it was rather uneventful, but also full of suspense as thousands of local and international observers – including ambassadors of great powers relentlessly cruising critical polling stations – nervously awaited the news of serious incidents, which luckily never came.
When last year Macedonia gained official European Union candidate status – but without an actual date for the start of negotiations – the country’s ability to organize free, peaceful, and democratic elections was listed as the most important test of its readiness for further integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Now that the 5 July general elections are behind us, could we say that Macedonia has passed that test?
In many important respects the answer to this question must be positive. The polling day was largely peaceful and orderly, with very few incidents and all of those minor ones. The results were announced promptly and complaints of irregularity – there weren’t many – were dealt with efficiently. Most importantly, the main losers, Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski’s Social Democratic Union (SDSM), conceded immediately and urged the winners, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), to form a government as soon as possible in order to continue with the country’s efforts to join the EU. VMRO-DPMNE leader Nikola Gruevski has already held constructive talks with potential coalition partners and it now looks as though the country will have a new government soon. So does this mean a clean bill of health for Macedonia’s democracy? The country has, to quote the Skopje daily Dnevnik, "passed the test of political and democratic maturity," hasn’t it?
BANGING HEADS
While a sigh of relief is in order, any "yes" to such questions must be qualified, and rather elaborately. What this election lacked to be regarded as impeccably democratic is some sense of ordinariness about it. There were very few things about the election that people took for granted. The campaign started in mid-June in a way that reminded many of previous election dramas or even of the turmoil of 2001, when the country was briefly on the verge of an all-out civil war. Incidents, many involving intimidation, the use of brute force, and even firearms, occurred daily.
This prompted urgent action by a worried international community in Macedonia. As it often happens in this part of the world, local representatives of major international actors – the United States, the EU and its most powerful members, as well as major international organizations such as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) – joined forces to bang some local heads together.
In the past, the fact that international intervention resulted in an almost immediate end to the violence and other meddling with the election process would have merited praise for cooperativeness. Now that Macedonia is an official candidate for full EU membership, the international community as well as the majority of Macedonian citizens who had nothing to do with the campaign incidents have every right to be frustrated that an intervention was needed in the first place.
Utrinski Vesnik, another Skopje daily, described the election day as "relatively boring." The day was, in fact, far from boring. True, it was rather uneventful, but also full of suspense as thousands of local and international observers – including ambassadors of great powers relentlessly cruising critical polling stations – nervously awaited the news of serious incidents, which luckily never came.
Ambassadors Approached over Bulgarian Arrest in Macedonia
A case of a Bulgarian seized in Skopje in alleged violation of his rights has reached Belgian Ambassador to Bulgaria Philippe Beke.
Nationalist leader Krassimir Karakachanov, head of VMRO-BND, met Tuesday with the Belgian diplomat to introduce him into the case.
Yovan Stoyanovski, Bulgarian citizen, was arrested in Macedonia in a move - illegal according to VMRO activists - that adds to a series of "anti-Bulgarian behaviour" on the side of Macedonian authorities.
Last week the Bulgarian nationalists sent a letter to the ambassadors of EU and NATO member states informing them of the alleged violation of Stoyanovski's human rights.
Nationalist leader Krassimir Karakachanov, head of VMRO-BND, met Tuesday with the Belgian diplomat to introduce him into the case.
Yovan Stoyanovski, Bulgarian citizen, was arrested in Macedonia in a move - illegal according to VMRO activists - that adds to a series of "anti-Bulgarian behaviour" on the side of Macedonian authorities.
Last week the Bulgarian nationalists sent a letter to the ambassadors of EU and NATO member states informing them of the alleged violation of Stoyanovski's human rights.
Macedonia nationalists seek coalition with Albanian party
SKOPJE, Macedonia-Macedonia's conservatives began seeking coalition partners Friday, after leading in national elections seen as crucial for the country's hopes to eventually join the European Union and NATO.
Wednesday's vote was also seen as an important step in overcoming tension and violence between Macedonia's Slav majority and ethnic Albanian minority.
Nikola Gruevski's VMRO-DPMNE party won the most votes but failed to gain an outright majority and will have to form a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party.
Trying to shake off its nationalist past, the party said it would join forces with anyone except the outgoing Social Democrats provided they accept its economic program.
A coalition with the ethnic Albanians is seen as imperative for preserving unity in this multiethnic country, with status talks on neighboring Kosovo a source of potential ethnic tension in the region.
VMRO-DPMNE spokesman Antonio Milososki said official talks can only start after the new parliament convenes, expected in about two weeks.
International observers said "serious irregularities" were registered in a dozen of polling stations, mainly in western Macedonia, but praised the poll overall.
While no major violence was reported, on Friday a hand grenade was thrown at a coffee shop in the northern town of Tetovo, where ethnic Albanians form a majority. The grenade shattered windows and damaged walls of the coffee shop, but caused no injuries, police spokesman Lulzim Shabani said.
Supporters of rival ethnic Albanian parties have clashed several times in the area during the run-up to the election.
With 99.4 percent of ballots counted, the VMRO-DPMNE led with 32.4 percent of the vote, while Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski's ruling Social Democrats had 23.3 percent, according to provisional results issued by the State Election Commission.
The ethnic Albanian DPA party has accused the rival ethnic Albanian DUI party of election fraud, and commission spokesman Zoran Tanevski said final results would be announced only after the complaints were examined, probably next week.
A partnership between VMRO-DPMNE and either DPA or DUI could bolster stability in Macedonia, five years after an ethnic Albanian uprising led to months of fighting against government troops. About 80 people were killed in the skirmishes.
Buckovski's outgoing government had partnered with the DUI, which on Wednesday won a provisional 12.2 percent of votes.
VMRO-DPMNE spokesman Milososki said any coalition partner would have to accept the party's economic program, which foresees higher rates of economic growth, increased employment, more foreign investment and increased salaries
Wednesday's vote was also seen as an important step in overcoming tension and violence between Macedonia's Slav majority and ethnic Albanian minority.
Nikola Gruevski's VMRO-DPMNE party won the most votes but failed to gain an outright majority and will have to form a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party.
Trying to shake off its nationalist past, the party said it would join forces with anyone except the outgoing Social Democrats provided they accept its economic program.
A coalition with the ethnic Albanians is seen as imperative for preserving unity in this multiethnic country, with status talks on neighboring Kosovo a source of potential ethnic tension in the region.
VMRO-DPMNE spokesman Antonio Milososki said official talks can only start after the new parliament convenes, expected in about two weeks.
International observers said "serious irregularities" were registered in a dozen of polling stations, mainly in western Macedonia, but praised the poll overall.
While no major violence was reported, on Friday a hand grenade was thrown at a coffee shop in the northern town of Tetovo, where ethnic Albanians form a majority. The grenade shattered windows and damaged walls of the coffee shop, but caused no injuries, police spokesman Lulzim Shabani said.
Supporters of rival ethnic Albanian parties have clashed several times in the area during the run-up to the election.
With 99.4 percent of ballots counted, the VMRO-DPMNE led with 32.4 percent of the vote, while Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski's ruling Social Democrats had 23.3 percent, according to provisional results issued by the State Election Commission.
The ethnic Albanian DPA party has accused the rival ethnic Albanian DUI party of election fraud, and commission spokesman Zoran Tanevski said final results would be announced only after the complaints were examined, probably next week.
A partnership between VMRO-DPMNE and either DPA or DUI could bolster stability in Macedonia, five years after an ethnic Albanian uprising led to months of fighting against government troops. About 80 people were killed in the skirmishes.
Buckovski's outgoing government had partnered with the DUI, which on Wednesday won a provisional 12.2 percent of votes.
VMRO-DPMNE spokesman Milososki said any coalition partner would have to accept the party's economic program, which foresees higher rates of economic growth, increased employment, more foreign investment and increased salaries
Tuesday, July 11, 2006
MACEDONIA: PREMIER ELECT SAYS HE HAS A WORKING MAJORITY
Skopje, 10 July (AKI) - Macedonia's 36-year-old prime minister designate, Nicola Grueski, said on Monday his nationalist VMRO DPMNE party - which last week won the general election- has secured the working parliamentary majority he needs to form a government. He requires ethnic Albanian support to rule and has secured the support of the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA). With backing from the DPA, the New Social Democratic Party and two deputies from minor parties, Grueski already has the support of 64 MPs in the 120-seat parliament and says he will announce his cabinet on 2 August - a bank holiday in Macedonia.
Grueski is still negotiating with another ethnic Albananian party, the Democratic Union for Integrations (DUI). This was a coalition partner in prime minister, Vlado Buckovski's outgoing government and is an arch-rival of the DPA in the contest for ethnic Albanian votes, which account for about 25 per cent of Macedonia’s two million population.
Grueski's move to get the support of the DUI as well as the DPA, is being seen as a move to neutralise quarrels between the two parties and satisfy the international community, according to observers.
Buckovski's Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won 32 deputies, compared with VMRO DPMNE's 44 seats, and will move to the opposition ranks. Gruevski said the in augural session of the new parliament will be held on 19 July.
Grueski is still negotiating with another ethnic Albananian party, the Democratic Union for Integrations (DUI). This was a coalition partner in prime minister, Vlado Buckovski's outgoing government and is an arch-rival of the DPA in the contest for ethnic Albanian votes, which account for about 25 per cent of Macedonia’s two million population.
Grueski's move to get the support of the DUI as well as the DPA, is being seen as a move to neutralise quarrels between the two parties and satisfy the international community, according to observers.
Buckovski's Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won 32 deputies, compared with VMRO DPMNE's 44 seats, and will move to the opposition ranks. Gruevski said the in augural session of the new parliament will be held on 19 July.
Macedonia a transit route for illegal migrants to EU countries
Statistics from the Macedonian Interior Ministry show a rise in the number of illegal crossings through Macedonia to EU countries, mainly via the border with Greece. At the same time, however, the country's police are becoming more efficient.
During the first three months of this year, for example, the authorities stopped 716 people from illegally crossing the Macedonian border -- a 145 per cent increase in prevention, compared to the same period last year. In the first nine months of 2005, a total of 1,181 attempts at illegal crossing were recorded, a rise of 21 per cent over the previous year. The data suggests that more and more people are willing to break the law in the hope of gaining a better life in the West. Most illegal migrants interviewed by the police cite economic reasons as their main motivation.
The migrants come from various national backgrounds, and even from different continents. The largest number -- 1,057 last year -- are Albanians. The data from 2005 also recorded 59 Macedonians trying to cross into Greece, along with 54 Serbians and Montenegrins, ten Bulgarians, three each from Romania, Peru and Turkey, and one each from Tajikistan, Russia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
A similar diversity of nationalities has been represented this year. Most illegal crossings occur at the border with Greece, followed by the borders with Albania, Bulgaria and Serbia.
Behind the statistics are dramatic life stories. The criminals who organise illegal crossings are unscrupulous, to say the least. They charge thousands of euros, and their creativity in devising means of transport is limitless. In a May incident, Macedonian police discovered 12 Albanian and eight Chinese nationals in a specially constructed bunker in a truck. The passengers were squeezed into a pile of scraps and old car bodies.
A more drastic case that fortunately did not have a fatal end happened in January, when a Macedonian border patrol saved three would-be emigrants from freezing to death. They were Albanians trying to get into Greece. Having crossed into Macedonia legally, they were wandering around on Kajmakcalan Mountain and got caught in snowy weather. They used cellphones to call their families, who then informed the police. A swift rescue operation was mounted.
Greece offers the promise of jobs on orange and tangerine plantations in summer, and in the olive groves in autumn. The pay is around 25 to 30 euros daily. Greece is also a popular embarkation point for illegal ferry transfers to ports in Italy.
In general, police say there are three main routes to EU countries. The first one, originating in Macedonia, is to Italy via Greece. The second route starts in the Albanian port of Durres, with Bari as the destination, and the third is a land transit route across Balkan countries to Slovenia, Italy, Austria and -- more recently -- Hungary.
The Macedonian police have become more successful in detecting gangs of traffickers. Much of the success, say experts, is due to the introduction of an integrated border management system. Police have taken the job of border security from the army, and improved e-communication between the border crossings has been established. Now that Macedonia has gained the status of EU candidate, it has a powerful incentive to boost these capabilities further.
The judicial battle against organised networks is also intensifying. A court trial against a group of 28 people charged with trafficking migrants and vehicles is under way. The charges were brought by the Anti-Organised Crime and Corruption Department with the interior ministry. During the investigation process, special measures such as monitoring, recording and eavesdropping of the suspects were carried out.
According to the indictment, the group has existed since 2005 and was organised by two of the defendants. They used trucks as their main vehicle for transport, furnishing them with special bunkers. The fees charged ranged between 1,000-1,500 euros per migrant.
In addition to efforts by the police and courts, the ministry of labour and social affairs is carrying out a prevention project in collaboration with OSCE. The goal is to promote improvement of ties among state-run institutions and civil society, using public information to educate people about the issue.
Experts view Macedonia primarily as a transfer zone, rather than a source zone of emigrants.The population is only 2 million, and the socioeconomic conditions as well as the country's traditions tend not to fuel a large number of migrants. Indeed, British immigration authorities only recorded 15 cases involving Macedonian nationals trying to present themselves as asylum seekers or staying in Britain illegally in 2005.
During the first three months of this year, for example, the authorities stopped 716 people from illegally crossing the Macedonian border -- a 145 per cent increase in prevention, compared to the same period last year. In the first nine months of 2005, a total of 1,181 attempts at illegal crossing were recorded, a rise of 21 per cent over the previous year. The data suggests that more and more people are willing to break the law in the hope of gaining a better life in the West. Most illegal migrants interviewed by the police cite economic reasons as their main motivation.
The migrants come from various national backgrounds, and even from different continents. The largest number -- 1,057 last year -- are Albanians. The data from 2005 also recorded 59 Macedonians trying to cross into Greece, along with 54 Serbians and Montenegrins, ten Bulgarians, three each from Romania, Peru and Turkey, and one each from Tajikistan, Russia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
A similar diversity of nationalities has been represented this year. Most illegal crossings occur at the border with Greece, followed by the borders with Albania, Bulgaria and Serbia.
Behind the statistics are dramatic life stories. The criminals who organise illegal crossings are unscrupulous, to say the least. They charge thousands of euros, and their creativity in devising means of transport is limitless. In a May incident, Macedonian police discovered 12 Albanian and eight Chinese nationals in a specially constructed bunker in a truck. The passengers were squeezed into a pile of scraps and old car bodies.
A more drastic case that fortunately did not have a fatal end happened in January, when a Macedonian border patrol saved three would-be emigrants from freezing to death. They were Albanians trying to get into Greece. Having crossed into Macedonia legally, they were wandering around on Kajmakcalan Mountain and got caught in snowy weather. They used cellphones to call their families, who then informed the police. A swift rescue operation was mounted.
Greece offers the promise of jobs on orange and tangerine plantations in summer, and in the olive groves in autumn. The pay is around 25 to 30 euros daily. Greece is also a popular embarkation point for illegal ferry transfers to ports in Italy.
In general, police say there are three main routes to EU countries. The first one, originating in Macedonia, is to Italy via Greece. The second route starts in the Albanian port of Durres, with Bari as the destination, and the third is a land transit route across Balkan countries to Slovenia, Italy, Austria and -- more recently -- Hungary.
The Macedonian police have become more successful in detecting gangs of traffickers. Much of the success, say experts, is due to the introduction of an integrated border management system. Police have taken the job of border security from the army, and improved e-communication between the border crossings has been established. Now that Macedonia has gained the status of EU candidate, it has a powerful incentive to boost these capabilities further.
The judicial battle against organised networks is also intensifying. A court trial against a group of 28 people charged with trafficking migrants and vehicles is under way. The charges were brought by the Anti-Organised Crime and Corruption Department with the interior ministry. During the investigation process, special measures such as monitoring, recording and eavesdropping of the suspects were carried out.
According to the indictment, the group has existed since 2005 and was organised by two of the defendants. They used trucks as their main vehicle for transport, furnishing them with special bunkers. The fees charged ranged between 1,000-1,500 euros per migrant.
In addition to efforts by the police and courts, the ministry of labour and social affairs is carrying out a prevention project in collaboration with OSCE. The goal is to promote improvement of ties among state-run institutions and civil society, using public information to educate people about the issue.
Experts view Macedonia primarily as a transfer zone, rather than a source zone of emigrants.The population is only 2 million, and the socioeconomic conditions as well as the country's traditions tend not to fuel a large number of migrants. Indeed, British immigration authorities only recorded 15 cases involving Macedonian nationals trying to present themselves as asylum seekers or staying in Britain illegally in 2005.
Olli Rehn's declaration concerning the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
Declaration by Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn concerning the parliamentary elections in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia held on 5th July 2006
"I am pleased to note the report of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), stating that the elections were generally conducted in accordance with international standards for democratic electoral processes.
I welcome the orderly electoral process, marking a further step in the consolidation of the country's democracy. The high turn out and the statements by party leaders were important signals of political maturity of the country.
However, I regret that in some municipalities there were still some incidents, during the electoral campaign and on the voting day. These incidents must be fully investigated and the perpetrators punished. Other shortcomings identified by ODIHR will also need to be addressed fully.
It is now important that a new Government is formed quickly so that the country can step up its efforts on the reform agenda to meet the Copenhagen criteria
The European Commission is fully committed to support the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia on its road towards EU. We will actively support a reform oriented government. Substantial EU financial assistance is available to contribute to the efforts of the new Government to address the most urgent reforms. In particular critical reforms in the Police, the rule of law, the economic environment, the approximation of legislation to the EU laws and standards and the strengthening of the administrative capacity."
ABHaber 07.07.2006 Brussels
"I am pleased to note the report of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), stating that the elections were generally conducted in accordance with international standards for democratic electoral processes.
I welcome the orderly electoral process, marking a further step in the consolidation of the country's democracy. The high turn out and the statements by party leaders were important signals of political maturity of the country.
However, I regret that in some municipalities there were still some incidents, during the electoral campaign and on the voting day. These incidents must be fully investigated and the perpetrators punished. Other shortcomings identified by ODIHR will also need to be addressed fully.
It is now important that a new Government is formed quickly so that the country can step up its efforts on the reform agenda to meet the Copenhagen criteria
The European Commission is fully committed to support the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia on its road towards EU. We will actively support a reform oriented government. Substantial EU financial assistance is available to contribute to the efforts of the new Government to address the most urgent reforms. In particular critical reforms in the Police, the rule of law, the economic environment, the approximation of legislation to the EU laws and standards and the strengthening of the administrative capacity."
ABHaber 07.07.2006 Brussels
Macedonia Elections: In Search of a Kingmaker
The outcome of the Macedonian general elections on 5th July was no surprise: Nikola Gruevski’s VMRO-DPMNE triumphed with 44 seats in Parliament. From now on Gruevski has two months to form a government. The Prime Minister-elect needs at least 17 seats to declare his “kingdom”. Who will be then his “kingmaker”? An Albanian party or a Macedonian party or both? At a time when the outcome of the talks over the Kosovo final status draws nearer and nearer, the multi-ethnic stability of Macedonia is more important than ever for the whole region…
Return of VMRO-DPMNE
On 5th July the voting day what had been feared most did not materialise and Macedonia proved that it could conduct fair and democratic elections. According to State Election Commission (SEC), some incidents put aside, the voting day was not corrupted. Voter turnout at the elections was 56.15 percent from the total of 99.43 percent processed protocols.
Within five hours of polls closing, former Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski conceded his defeat. The EU called for a prompt and clear result. By this gesture Buckovski clearly showed that he and his “Together for Macedonia” coalition could assume the defeat in a politically mature and democratic way.
The winner is “For Better Macedonia” coalition led by Nikola Gruevski’s Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation - Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE). The coalition obtained 32.46 percent of the votes and 44 seats in Parliament. Thus VMRO-DPMNE returned to power that it had lost four years ago. As to Buckovski’s Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia (SDSM), it obtained 23.31 percent of the votes and consigned to opposition with 32 seats.
As for the Albanian side, no much has changed. Ali Ahmeti’s former ruling coalition partner Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) obtained 12.24 percent of the votes and 18 seats. And his eternal rival Arben Xhaferi’s Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) obtained 7.51 percent and 11 seats in Parliament. At the end of the day it is formally confirmed that during the first half of the pre-election campaign activists of these two Albanian parties had literally beat one another for almost nothing.
Those parties, which were claimed to divide the votes of the two major Macedonian parties (VMRO-DPMNE and SDSM), VMRO-Narodna and New Social Democratic Party (NSDP) obtained respectively 6 and 7 seats in Parliament.
These unofficial results were posted on the Internet site of Lobi, Albanian newspaper of Macedonia. The figures (seats) can change after the announcement of the official results.
Main reasons behind the defeat of SDSM were the poor economic situation and the social uneasiness in Macedonia. Buckovski’s government had been widely criticised for failing to improve the crippled by high unemployment, low wages and little investment. Accepting summer elections, VMRO-DPMNE had wanted to make maximum use of the general discontent with the poor economic situation in the country.
Nikola Gruevski stated that “the top priority of the government will be integration into the EU. Our government will focus on improving the economic situation, to fight corruption and crime and raise the standard of living”. He has just started negotiating today in order to put together a stable government.
Coalition scenarios
There are possible combinations that one can think of, considering the unofficial outcome of the elections. Yet, when it comes to forming government coalitions, mathematics is not enough.
Here are some basic facts about the political panorama of Macedonia:
- No Macedonian party can form a coalition without an Albanian party (given the fact that the Albanian minority makes one third of the Macedonian population). Not only such a government has never been established in Macedonia since its independence in 1991, but also it would seriously undermine the inter-ethnic relations in the country.
- DPA leader Arben Xhaferi would not be present in any coalition government including his eternal rival Ali Ahmeti, DUI leader.
- DUI leader Ali Ahmeti categorically stated that he would reject any coalition proposal with Lubjo Georgiesvski’s VMRO-Narodna.
- NSDP leader Tito Petkovski stated beforehand that he would never make a coalition with SDSM headed by Vlado Buckovski.
- There is a serious political feud between Lubjo Georgiesvski and his former protégé and current political foe Nikola Gruevski.
- VMRO-DPMNE has always stigmatised DUI of being a “terrorist” party. DUI is the successor to the National Liberation Army of Macedonia (UCKM), which fought the Macedonian security forces in 2001.
Very inspiring perspective, isn’t it? Now if we toy with different coalition possibilities in the light of the above-mentioned facts:
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and DPA actually was the most probable possibility. DPA is traditionally close to VMRO-DPMNE. And the latter, though more nationalistic before 2002, opted for DPA to be its coalition partner between 1998-2002. However, together they make only 55 seats in Parliament.
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and DUI would make up 62 seats. DUI has already given the signal that it would not hesitate to cooperate with the winning party, whether SDSM or VMRO-DPMNE. Would Ahmeti go as far as forget that VMRO-DPMNE labelled his party as “terrorist”? Yes, according to Daut Dauti, well-known local analyst and publisher, “Albanian leaders are very fond of power and see elections as a question of survival”. This is the most probable coalition scenario. The majority being too narrow, Gruevski could also strike a deal with smaller groups.
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE, NSDP and DUI or DPA. Why not?
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE, VMRO-Narodna and DPA would make up 61 seats. Let alone the old feud between Gruevski and Georgievski, Xhaferi would refuse a coalition with the radical nationalist Georgievski. And the latter probably rejects the idea of cooperating with an Albanian party, which, according to him, tries to “Albanise” Macedonia.
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and SDSM. Just a mathematical fantasy!
Very hard times are waiting for Nikola Gruevski indeed. The king desperately seeks his kingmaker …
Return of VMRO-DPMNE
On 5th July the voting day what had been feared most did not materialise and Macedonia proved that it could conduct fair and democratic elections. According to State Election Commission (SEC), some incidents put aside, the voting day was not corrupted. Voter turnout at the elections was 56.15 percent from the total of 99.43 percent processed protocols.
Within five hours of polls closing, former Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski conceded his defeat. The EU called for a prompt and clear result. By this gesture Buckovski clearly showed that he and his “Together for Macedonia” coalition could assume the defeat in a politically mature and democratic way.
The winner is “For Better Macedonia” coalition led by Nikola Gruevski’s Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation - Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE). The coalition obtained 32.46 percent of the votes and 44 seats in Parliament. Thus VMRO-DPMNE returned to power that it had lost four years ago. As to Buckovski’s Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia (SDSM), it obtained 23.31 percent of the votes and consigned to opposition with 32 seats.
As for the Albanian side, no much has changed. Ali Ahmeti’s former ruling coalition partner Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) obtained 12.24 percent of the votes and 18 seats. And his eternal rival Arben Xhaferi’s Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA) obtained 7.51 percent and 11 seats in Parliament. At the end of the day it is formally confirmed that during the first half of the pre-election campaign activists of these two Albanian parties had literally beat one another for almost nothing.
Those parties, which were claimed to divide the votes of the two major Macedonian parties (VMRO-DPMNE and SDSM), VMRO-Narodna and New Social Democratic Party (NSDP) obtained respectively 6 and 7 seats in Parliament.
These unofficial results were posted on the Internet site of Lobi, Albanian newspaper of Macedonia. The figures (seats) can change after the announcement of the official results.
Main reasons behind the defeat of SDSM were the poor economic situation and the social uneasiness in Macedonia. Buckovski’s government had been widely criticised for failing to improve the crippled by high unemployment, low wages and little investment. Accepting summer elections, VMRO-DPMNE had wanted to make maximum use of the general discontent with the poor economic situation in the country.
Nikola Gruevski stated that “the top priority of the government will be integration into the EU. Our government will focus on improving the economic situation, to fight corruption and crime and raise the standard of living”. He has just started negotiating today in order to put together a stable government.
Coalition scenarios
There are possible combinations that one can think of, considering the unofficial outcome of the elections. Yet, when it comes to forming government coalitions, mathematics is not enough.
Here are some basic facts about the political panorama of Macedonia:
- No Macedonian party can form a coalition without an Albanian party (given the fact that the Albanian minority makes one third of the Macedonian population). Not only such a government has never been established in Macedonia since its independence in 1991, but also it would seriously undermine the inter-ethnic relations in the country.
- DPA leader Arben Xhaferi would not be present in any coalition government including his eternal rival Ali Ahmeti, DUI leader.
- DUI leader Ali Ahmeti categorically stated that he would reject any coalition proposal with Lubjo Georgiesvski’s VMRO-Narodna.
- NSDP leader Tito Petkovski stated beforehand that he would never make a coalition with SDSM headed by Vlado Buckovski.
- There is a serious political feud between Lubjo Georgiesvski and his former protégé and current political foe Nikola Gruevski.
- VMRO-DPMNE has always stigmatised DUI of being a “terrorist” party. DUI is the successor to the National Liberation Army of Macedonia (UCKM), which fought the Macedonian security forces in 2001.
Very inspiring perspective, isn’t it? Now if we toy with different coalition possibilities in the light of the above-mentioned facts:
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and DPA actually was the most probable possibility. DPA is traditionally close to VMRO-DPMNE. And the latter, though more nationalistic before 2002, opted for DPA to be its coalition partner between 1998-2002. However, together they make only 55 seats in Parliament.
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and DUI would make up 62 seats. DUI has already given the signal that it would not hesitate to cooperate with the winning party, whether SDSM or VMRO-DPMNE. Would Ahmeti go as far as forget that VMRO-DPMNE labelled his party as “terrorist”? Yes, according to Daut Dauti, well-known local analyst and publisher, “Albanian leaders are very fond of power and see elections as a question of survival”. This is the most probable coalition scenario. The majority being too narrow, Gruevski could also strike a deal with smaller groups.
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE, NSDP and DUI or DPA. Why not?
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE, VMRO-Narodna and DPA would make up 61 seats. Let alone the old feud between Gruevski and Georgievski, Xhaferi would refuse a coalition with the radical nationalist Georgievski. And the latter probably rejects the idea of cooperating with an Albanian party, which, according to him, tries to “Albanise” Macedonia.
- A coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and SDSM. Just a mathematical fantasy!
Very hard times are waiting for Nikola Gruevski indeed. The king desperately seeks his kingmaker …
MACEDONIA: ETHNIC ALBANIAN SUPPORT NEEDED TO FORM GOVERNMENT
kopje, 7 July (AKI) - Nikola Gruevski, Macedonia's youthful future prime minister and leader of the nationalist VMRO DPMNE party which swept to victory in Wednesday's general election, is counting on the support of ethnic Albanian parties in forming the new government, local media reported on Friday. Ethnic Albanians make about 25 per cent of Macedonia's two million population.
The VMRO DPMNE won 32.46 percent of votes cast, which gives it 44 seats in Macedonia's 120-seat parliament. The Social Democratic Alliance of current prime minister Vlado Buckovski got 32 seats (23.33 percent), the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration party 18 seats (12.33 percent), and the Democratic Party of Albanians with 11 deputies (7.5 percent). The remaining vote was distributed among minor Macedonian parties.
Partial results showed Gruevski's party winning 55 seats, which would permit him to form a government without ethnic Albanian backing. But the final results make this almost impossible. Gruevski, 36, is under strong international pressure to bring at least one or both ethnic Albanian parties into his cabinet to ensure a stable government, Skopje newspapers reported.
According to the daily Dnevnik, Gruevski said he would talk to the leaders of all parties entering parliament, except with Buckovski’s Social Democrats. "It's still too early to say who will join the government," said Gruevski. "Clearly, a coalition with an Albanian party is needed, but it is also clear that the government needs a third Macedonian partner," Gruevski stated.
He said he might include in the government even those parties with one or two deputies, adding that "not all combinations have yet been worked out." Ethnic Albanian parties, however, continued to dispute election results and to quarrel over who won most Albanian votes.
In the meantime, European Union officials called on Gruevski to carry on with the reforms Macedonia needed to implement to join the EU. It must also respect the 2001 Ohrid peace agreement which ended the ethnic Albanian rebellion, granting local Albanians broad autonomy. Macedonia is an official candidate for EU membership, but no precise entry date has yet been determined.
On Thursday, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana, welcomed what he termed "the generally free and fair" election, conducted "in a clam and orderly manner, and largely in accordance with international standards."
"At the same time, I have noted the incidents of violence during the beginning of the campaign period and the irregularities reported on election day in a number of areas. All instances of fraud and electoral violence must be fully investigated," Solana stated.
Several people were beaten up and two wounded in incidents involving firearms during Macedonia's general election campaign. Most violent incidents during the campaign occurred between the two ethnic Albanian parties.
The VMRO DPMNE won 32.46 percent of votes cast, which gives it 44 seats in Macedonia's 120-seat parliament. The Social Democratic Alliance of current prime minister Vlado Buckovski got 32 seats (23.33 percent), the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration party 18 seats (12.33 percent), and the Democratic Party of Albanians with 11 deputies (7.5 percent). The remaining vote was distributed among minor Macedonian parties.
Partial results showed Gruevski's party winning 55 seats, which would permit him to form a government without ethnic Albanian backing. But the final results make this almost impossible. Gruevski, 36, is under strong international pressure to bring at least one or both ethnic Albanian parties into his cabinet to ensure a stable government, Skopje newspapers reported.
According to the daily Dnevnik, Gruevski said he would talk to the leaders of all parties entering parliament, except with Buckovski’s Social Democrats. "It's still too early to say who will join the government," said Gruevski. "Clearly, a coalition with an Albanian party is needed, but it is also clear that the government needs a third Macedonian partner," Gruevski stated.
He said he might include in the government even those parties with one or two deputies, adding that "not all combinations have yet been worked out." Ethnic Albanian parties, however, continued to dispute election results and to quarrel over who won most Albanian votes.
In the meantime, European Union officials called on Gruevski to carry on with the reforms Macedonia needed to implement to join the EU. It must also respect the 2001 Ohrid peace agreement which ended the ethnic Albanian rebellion, granting local Albanians broad autonomy. Macedonia is an official candidate for EU membership, but no precise entry date has yet been determined.
On Thursday, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana, welcomed what he termed "the generally free and fair" election, conducted "in a clam and orderly manner, and largely in accordance with international standards."
"At the same time, I have noted the incidents of violence during the beginning of the campaign period and the irregularities reported on election day in a number of areas. All instances of fraud and electoral violence must be fully investigated," Solana stated.
Several people were beaten up and two wounded in incidents involving firearms during Macedonia's general election campaign. Most violent incidents during the campaign occurred between the two ethnic Albanian parties.
Monday, July 10, 2006
Macedonia avoids EU backlash following smooth elections
EU candidate state Macedonia passed an important litmus test for its membership goal on Wednesday (5 July) as elections in the country were generally peaceful and fair.
The social democrat prime minister of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) Vlado Buckovski conceded defeat early Thursday morning to the centre-right opposition, after a poll which had been closely watched by Brussels.
The election campaign had seen a series of incidents of violence and intimidation in the Balkan country which scooped official EU candidate membership status in December last year.
But soothing EU fears that the election results would cause further trouble, Mr Buckovski was quick to congratulate the winning opposition.
"The opposition got the most votes and support of the citizens," he stated according to the BBC.
"But Macedonia is the main winner as the citizens showed that they could vote in free and fair elections," he said.
"We want to tell the citizens that we'll be in the parliament to continue to work for Macedonia to be part of the EU integration."
For its part, the opposition leader Nikola Gruevski declared that "the top priority of the government will be integration into the EU," according to AP.
Contrary to the election campaign, which saw shooting and other incidents primarily between rival ethnic Albanian groups, no serious incidents were reported on polling day itself apart from some "irregularities reported by the electoral commission".
"I hope we will earn positive marks from Brussels," said Macedonia's president Branko Crvenkovski according to Reuters.
The EU had made clear before the vote that in case of serious difficulties during voting, accession preparations could be delayed.
Preliminary results showed the centre-right VMRO-DPMNE party had 33 percent of the vote, while the ruling social democrats trailed at 24 percent, with further official results due on Thursday.
The VMRO-DPMNE faces tough coalition talks with ethnic Albanian parties which could help the them to a majority.
The social democrat prime minister of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) Vlado Buckovski conceded defeat early Thursday morning to the centre-right opposition, after a poll which had been closely watched by Brussels.
The election campaign had seen a series of incidents of violence and intimidation in the Balkan country which scooped official EU candidate membership status in December last year.
But soothing EU fears that the election results would cause further trouble, Mr Buckovski was quick to congratulate the winning opposition.
"The opposition got the most votes and support of the citizens," he stated according to the BBC.
"But Macedonia is the main winner as the citizens showed that they could vote in free and fair elections," he said.
"We want to tell the citizens that we'll be in the parliament to continue to work for Macedonia to be part of the EU integration."
For its part, the opposition leader Nikola Gruevski declared that "the top priority of the government will be integration into the EU," according to AP.
Contrary to the election campaign, which saw shooting and other incidents primarily between rival ethnic Albanian groups, no serious incidents were reported on polling day itself apart from some "irregularities reported by the electoral commission".
"I hope we will earn positive marks from Brussels," said Macedonia's president Branko Crvenkovski according to Reuters.
The EU had made clear before the vote that in case of serious difficulties during voting, accession preparations could be delayed.
Preliminary results showed the centre-right VMRO-DPMNE party had 33 percent of the vote, while the ruling social democrats trailed at 24 percent, with further official results due on Thursday.
The VMRO-DPMNE faces tough coalition talks with ethnic Albanian parties which could help the them to a majority.
Macedonia faces period of coalition building
By Kole Casule
SKOPJE (Reuters) - Macedonia faced a period of coalition building on Thursday following a national election that sank the ruling coalition and assuaged European Union concerns over the country's democratic maturity.
Projected results from the non-governmental group MOST gave the conservative opposition VMRO-DPMNE around 43 seats in the 120-seat parliament, against 30 for the ruling Social Democrats.
VMRO-DPMNE, which was last in power when an ethnic Albanian insurgency threatened civil war in 2001, must enter coalition with one of the main Albanian parties, possibly the ex-rebels.
Full official results were expected on Friday. The prime minister-elect has two months to form a government.
"Ahead of us is a small celebration, and from the morning we'll start creating the new government," VMRO-DPMNE leader Nikola Gruevski, a former finance minister, said in the early hours of Thursday.
Social Democrat Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski acknowledged defeat in a televised address within five hours of polls closing, a quick, clean concession by Balkan standards.
Depending on the final results, VMRO-DPMNE might have to convince Buckovski's Albanian partner in government, former rebel leader Ali Ahmeti, to switch allegiance.
Buckovski called on Gruevski to form a government as soon as possible. "If he can't, we are here," he said.
STABILITY FIRST
There was tangible relief that the vote passed off peacefully and the result was not contested, after a sometimes violent campaign that drew warnings from the EU and NATO that Macedonia's bid to join both blocs was on the line.
Macedonia split from Yugoslavia peacefully in 1991 but ethnic conflict caught up with the republic of two million in 2001 when a six-month Albanian guerrilla insurgency drove it close to civil war, until Western diplomacy intervened.
The preservation of a stable, multiethnic Macedonia next door to the U.N.-run province of Kosovo, whose Albanian majority is expected to win independence soon, is crucial to EU policy for stability in the Balkans.
The EU made Macedonia an official candidate for membership in December 2005, but stopped short of setting a date for accession talks, citing election flaws and the slow pace of reform. An EU review is due in late October, but diplomats say Macedonia will still have to wait for a date for talks.
The Social Democrats have formed three of the country's four governments since independence. But they are widely criticised for failing to improve a formerly Socialist economy crippled by high unemployment, low wages and little investment.
VMRO-DPMNE, named after two 19th century groups of Macedonians who fought against the Ottoman Turks, lost power in 2002 after the Ahmeti-led insurgency.
Fighting stopped in autumn 2001 under a deal promising the Albanians greater say over their own affairs.
Once in opposition, VMRO-DPMNE cast off its nationalist image. But coalition with the Albanians is imperative in Macedonian politics, and neither of the two main Albanian parties has so far wooed the new VMRO-DPMNE.
Partial results showed Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration holding its majority in Albanian constituencies, which are mainly in the west.
SKOPJE (Reuters) - Macedonia faced a period of coalition building on Thursday following a national election that sank the ruling coalition and assuaged European Union concerns over the country's democratic maturity.
Projected results from the non-governmental group MOST gave the conservative opposition VMRO-DPMNE around 43 seats in the 120-seat parliament, against 30 for the ruling Social Democrats.
VMRO-DPMNE, which was last in power when an ethnic Albanian insurgency threatened civil war in 2001, must enter coalition with one of the main Albanian parties, possibly the ex-rebels.
Full official results were expected on Friday. The prime minister-elect has two months to form a government.
"Ahead of us is a small celebration, and from the morning we'll start creating the new government," VMRO-DPMNE leader Nikola Gruevski, a former finance minister, said in the early hours of Thursday.
Social Democrat Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski acknowledged defeat in a televised address within five hours of polls closing, a quick, clean concession by Balkan standards.
Depending on the final results, VMRO-DPMNE might have to convince Buckovski's Albanian partner in government, former rebel leader Ali Ahmeti, to switch allegiance.
Buckovski called on Gruevski to form a government as soon as possible. "If he can't, we are here," he said.
STABILITY FIRST
There was tangible relief that the vote passed off peacefully and the result was not contested, after a sometimes violent campaign that drew warnings from the EU and NATO that Macedonia's bid to join both blocs was on the line.
Macedonia split from Yugoslavia peacefully in 1991 but ethnic conflict caught up with the republic of two million in 2001 when a six-month Albanian guerrilla insurgency drove it close to civil war, until Western diplomacy intervened.
The preservation of a stable, multiethnic Macedonia next door to the U.N.-run province of Kosovo, whose Albanian majority is expected to win independence soon, is crucial to EU policy for stability in the Balkans.
The EU made Macedonia an official candidate for membership in December 2005, but stopped short of setting a date for accession talks, citing election flaws and the slow pace of reform. An EU review is due in late October, but diplomats say Macedonia will still have to wait for a date for talks.
The Social Democrats have formed three of the country's four governments since independence. But they are widely criticised for failing to improve a formerly Socialist economy crippled by high unemployment, low wages and little investment.
VMRO-DPMNE, named after two 19th century groups of Macedonians who fought against the Ottoman Turks, lost power in 2002 after the Ahmeti-led insurgency.
Fighting stopped in autumn 2001 under a deal promising the Albanians greater say over their own affairs.
Once in opposition, VMRO-DPMNE cast off its nationalist image. But coalition with the Albanians is imperative in Macedonian politics, and neither of the two main Albanian parties has so far wooed the new VMRO-DPMNE.
Partial results showed Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration holding its majority in Albanian constituencies, which are mainly in the west.
Macedonia heads for new government
Skopje - Macedonia was heading for a new government Thursday after the opposition soundly defeated Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski's socialist-led coalition in Wednesday's election.
According to preliminary results, the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE led by Nikola Gruevski will have 55 seats in the upcoming parliament, while Buckovski's Socialists (SDSM) and their allies hold 32.
The assembly has a total of 120 seats, so VMRO will need to forge a coalition, almost certainly with one of parties representing the restive Albanian minority, in order to achieve the majority.
Buckovski's partners, former rebel commander Ali Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) and their allies PDP gained 13 seats. Their archrivals, Arben Xhaferi's Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), won 9 seats, the preliminary results indicated.
Also a possible factor in coalition combinations is the new Socialist party of Tito Petkovski, who, disgruntled, parted from Buckovski's SDSM seven months ago. The new party won 9 seats.
Late Wednesday, Buckovski conceded defeat within hours after the vote, in order to reduce tensions and pave the way for the quick building of the new cabinet.
Following recent stern warnings from the European Union and NATO, both of which Macedonia aspires to join, the election passed quietly amid a moderate turnout of around 56 per cent of 1.7 million voters.
No major incidents of violence, intimidation or vote-rigging, such as those that have marred past polls, were reported.
VMRO - which worked to shed its hardline nationalist image while in opposition - would return to power five years after the EU and NATO twisted its arm into signing a reform deal to defuse a conflict which had threatened to escalate into an all-out, Kosovo-type civil war.
Ethnically-divided and landlocked between Serbia and Kosovo, Bulgaria, Greece and Albania, Macedonia in 2001 had tottered on the brink of a civil war when Albanian rebels launched an armed insurgency to improve the status of their compatriots.
The 2001 crisis was defused through a peace and reform deal brokered by EU and NATO, which improved the status of the Albanian minority, which makes up one-quarter of of Macedonia's two-million population.
While the deal defused the crisis, it highlighted the defeat of the VMRO and led it to electoral loss in 2002. In a referendum in November 2004, with a new leadership presenting a new image, VMRO tried and failed to challenge the 2001 agreement.
For their part, Buckovski and SDSM failed to make political capital out of Macedonia's promotion to the status of a EU membership candidate late last year, most likely because there had been no improvement in living conditions for the impoverished population.
According to some surveys, nearly one-third of Macedonians live below the poverty line.
According to preliminary results, the nationalist VMRO-DPMNE led by Nikola Gruevski will have 55 seats in the upcoming parliament, while Buckovski's Socialists (SDSM) and their allies hold 32.
The assembly has a total of 120 seats, so VMRO will need to forge a coalition, almost certainly with one of parties representing the restive Albanian minority, in order to achieve the majority.
Buckovski's partners, former rebel commander Ali Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration (DUI) and their allies PDP gained 13 seats. Their archrivals, Arben Xhaferi's Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), won 9 seats, the preliminary results indicated.
Also a possible factor in coalition combinations is the new Socialist party of Tito Petkovski, who, disgruntled, parted from Buckovski's SDSM seven months ago. The new party won 9 seats.
Late Wednesday, Buckovski conceded defeat within hours after the vote, in order to reduce tensions and pave the way for the quick building of the new cabinet.
Following recent stern warnings from the European Union and NATO, both of which Macedonia aspires to join, the election passed quietly amid a moderate turnout of around 56 per cent of 1.7 million voters.
No major incidents of violence, intimidation or vote-rigging, such as those that have marred past polls, were reported.
VMRO - which worked to shed its hardline nationalist image while in opposition - would return to power five years after the EU and NATO twisted its arm into signing a reform deal to defuse a conflict which had threatened to escalate into an all-out, Kosovo-type civil war.
Ethnically-divided and landlocked between Serbia and Kosovo, Bulgaria, Greece and Albania, Macedonia in 2001 had tottered on the brink of a civil war when Albanian rebels launched an armed insurgency to improve the status of their compatriots.
The 2001 crisis was defused through a peace and reform deal brokered by EU and NATO, which improved the status of the Albanian minority, which makes up one-quarter of of Macedonia's two-million population.
While the deal defused the crisis, it highlighted the defeat of the VMRO and led it to electoral loss in 2002. In a referendum in November 2004, with a new leadership presenting a new image, VMRO tried and failed to challenge the 2001 agreement.
For their part, Buckovski and SDSM failed to make political capital out of Macedonia's promotion to the status of a EU membership candidate late last year, most likely because there had been no improvement in living conditions for the impoverished population.
According to some surveys, nearly one-third of Macedonians live below the poverty line.
Saturday, July 08, 2006
Nationalists Win Macedonia Vote
SKOPJE, Macedonia, July 6 -- Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski conceded defeat Thursday to the nationalist opposition in Macedonia's parliamentary elections, a vote considered crucial for the tiny Balkan nation's aspirations to join the European Union and NATO.
Sounding like a winner, Nikola Gruevski thanked his VMRO-DPMNE party supporters and said he would begin efforts on Friday to put together a coalition.
"The top priority of the government will be integration into the E.U. Our government will focus on improving the economic situation, to fight corruption and crime and raise the standard of living," he said.
With 36 percent of the ballots counted, the VMRO-DPMNE party had 33 percent of the vote, while Buckovski's ruling Social Democrats had 24 percent, according to the State Electoral Commission.
Sounding like a winner, Nikola Gruevski thanked his VMRO-DPMNE party supporters and said he would begin efforts on Friday to put together a coalition.
"The top priority of the government will be integration into the E.U. Our government will focus on improving the economic situation, to fight corruption and crime and raise the standard of living," he said.
With 36 percent of the ballots counted, the VMRO-DPMNE party had 33 percent of the vote, while Buckovski's ruling Social Democrats had 24 percent, according to the State Electoral Commission.
Macedonia looks to coalition
SKOPJE (Reuters) - Macedonia faced a period of coalition building on Thursday following a national election that sank the ruling coalition and went some way to assuaging
European Union concerns over the country's democratic maturity.
Projected results from the non-governmental group MOST gave the conservative opposition VMRO-DPMNE around 43 seats in the 120-seat parliament, against 30 for the ruling Social Democrats.
VMRO-DPMNE, which was last in power when an ethnic Albanian insurgency threatened civil war in 2001, must enter coalition with one of the main Albanian parties, possibly the ex-rebels.
Full official results were expected on Friday. The prime minister-elect has two months to form a government.
European observers said the vote "largely met international standards" and demonstrated growing political maturity.
They noted some serious, isolated irregularities -- ballot box stuffing and intimidation -- but said they "should not be allowed to overshadow the democratic progress made."
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said he was "pleased" with the observers' report and called for the incidents to be investigated and the perpetrators punished.
"I welcome the orderly electoral process, marking a further step in the consolidation of the country's democracy," he said.
The United States and
NATO also welcomed the vote, but noted some irregularities. "These cases should be fully investigated and dealt with in accordance with Macedonian law," State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement.
There was tangible relief in Skopje that the vote passed off peacefully, after a sometimes violent campaign that drew warnings from the EU and NATO that Macedonia's bid to join both blocs was on the line.
The EU made Macedonia an official candidate for membership in December 2005, but stopped short of setting a date for accession talks, citing election flaws and the slow pace of reform. An EU review is due in late October, but diplomats say Macedonia will still have to wait for a date for talks.
"Ahead of us is a small celebration, and in the morning we'll start creating a government," VMRO-DPMNE leader Nikola Gruevski, a former finance minister, said early on Thursday.
CRUCIAL TO STABILITY
Social Democrat Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski acknowledged defeat in a televised address within five hours of polls closing, a quick, clean concession by Balkan standards.
Depending on the final results, VMRO-DPMNE might have to convince Buckovski's Albanian partner in government, former rebel leader Ali Ahmeti, to switch allegiance.
Buckovski called on Gruevski to form a government as soon as possible. "If he can't, we are here," he said.
Macedonia split from Yugoslavia peacefully in 1991 but ethnic conflict caught up with the republic of two million in 2001 when a six-month Albanian guerrilla insurgency drove it close to civil war, until Western diplomacy intervened.
The preservation of a stable, multiethnic Macedonia next door to the U.N.-run province of
Kosovo, whose Albanian majority is expected to win independence from Serbia soon, is crucial to EU policy for stability in the Balkans.
The Social Democrats have formed three of the country's four governments since independence. But they are widely criticized for failing to improve a formerly Socialist economy crippled by high unemployment, low wages and little investment.
VMRO-DPMNE lost power in 2002 after the insurgency. In opposition, VMRO-DPMNE shed its nationalist image. Partial results showed Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration holding its majority in Albanian constituencies.
(Additional reporting by Kole Casule and Mark John in Brussels)
European Union concerns over the country's democratic maturity.
Projected results from the non-governmental group MOST gave the conservative opposition VMRO-DPMNE around 43 seats in the 120-seat parliament, against 30 for the ruling Social Democrats.
VMRO-DPMNE, which was last in power when an ethnic Albanian insurgency threatened civil war in 2001, must enter coalition with one of the main Albanian parties, possibly the ex-rebels.
Full official results were expected on Friday. The prime minister-elect has two months to form a government.
European observers said the vote "largely met international standards" and demonstrated growing political maturity.
They noted some serious, isolated irregularities -- ballot box stuffing and intimidation -- but said they "should not be allowed to overshadow the democratic progress made."
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said he was "pleased" with the observers' report and called for the incidents to be investigated and the perpetrators punished.
"I welcome the orderly electoral process, marking a further step in the consolidation of the country's democracy," he said.
The United States and
NATO also welcomed the vote, but noted some irregularities. "These cases should be fully investigated and dealt with in accordance with Macedonian law," State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement.
There was tangible relief in Skopje that the vote passed off peacefully, after a sometimes violent campaign that drew warnings from the EU and NATO that Macedonia's bid to join both blocs was on the line.
The EU made Macedonia an official candidate for membership in December 2005, but stopped short of setting a date for accession talks, citing election flaws and the slow pace of reform. An EU review is due in late October, but diplomats say Macedonia will still have to wait for a date for talks.
"Ahead of us is a small celebration, and in the morning we'll start creating a government," VMRO-DPMNE leader Nikola Gruevski, a former finance minister, said early on Thursday.
CRUCIAL TO STABILITY
Social Democrat Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski acknowledged defeat in a televised address within five hours of polls closing, a quick, clean concession by Balkan standards.
Depending on the final results, VMRO-DPMNE might have to convince Buckovski's Albanian partner in government, former rebel leader Ali Ahmeti, to switch allegiance.
Buckovski called on Gruevski to form a government as soon as possible. "If he can't, we are here," he said.
Macedonia split from Yugoslavia peacefully in 1991 but ethnic conflict caught up with the republic of two million in 2001 when a six-month Albanian guerrilla insurgency drove it close to civil war, until Western diplomacy intervened.
The preservation of a stable, multiethnic Macedonia next door to the U.N.-run province of
Kosovo, whose Albanian majority is expected to win independence from Serbia soon, is crucial to EU policy for stability in the Balkans.
The Social Democrats have formed three of the country's four governments since independence. But they are widely criticized for failing to improve a formerly Socialist economy crippled by high unemployment, low wages and little investment.
VMRO-DPMNE lost power in 2002 after the insurgency. In opposition, VMRO-DPMNE shed its nationalist image. Partial results showed Ahmeti's Democratic Union for Integration holding its majority in Albanian constituencies.
(Additional reporting by Kole Casule and Mark John in Brussels)
Macedonia: Change of Government
By NICHOLAS WOOD
Published: July 7, 2006
Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski conceded defeat in elections that ousted the center-left government. According to early results, the winner, a conservative opposition party, claimed 55 of 120 seats in Parliament, requiring it to form a coalition government. The election, held Wednesday, was marred by irregularities but still met international standards, foreign monitors said, meaning Macedonia's goal of membership in the European Union remained on track.
Published: July 7, 2006
Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski conceded defeat in elections that ousted the center-left government. According to early results, the winner, a conservative opposition party, claimed 55 of 120 seats in Parliament, requiring it to form a coalition government. The election, held Wednesday, was marred by irregularities but still met international standards, foreign monitors said, meaning Macedonia's goal of membership in the European Union remained on track.
Eight wonders of Macedonia
Our survey of the world's "Eight Wonders" continues into Europe, as we visit Macedonia in advance of the coming Richard Bangs Adventure, Discovering the Sacred Mysteries of Macedonia. Though many know of Macedonia from high-school history classes, few know it's a modern-day nation with plenty to offer the adventure traveler as well as the archaeology tourist. Julia Romano does the legwork of finding the fun and fascinating facts about Macedonia.
1) Alexander the Great
Born to military hero King Philip II of Macedon and tutored by famed philosopher Aristotle, young Alexander was destined for, well, greatness. His first real battle was the one he fought to assume the throne, as he was considered by many, including his father, to be an illegitimate heir. Soon after his crowning, Alexander expanded the Macedonian empire through Egypt, Persia,
Afghanistan and India. At 33, he died a mysterious death in Babylon, after which the great empire of Macedonia quickly declined. Read a history of Alexander the Great.
2) Heraclea
Founded by Phillip II of Macedon and named for the hero Heracles, this fourth century B.C. town stands today as monument to Macedonia's classic past. When the Romans conquered Macedonia in the second century B.C., Heraclea became a main stop on the Romans' newly constructed Via Egnatia (see below). Before World War I, archaeologists found a small theater ticket (for row 14 out of 20) made of bone. Two world wars prevented further excavation, so it was not until decades later that archaeologists unearthed the 20-row gladiator theater in the center of town, and an early Christian basilica with mosaics depicting a menagerie of exotic and mythical animals on its floors. The Greeks built many cities named Heraclea; this one is known as Heraclea Lyncestis.
3) Via Egnatia
Stretching thousands of miles in each direction, Via Egnatia connected the East to the West, linking Roman colonies from the Adriatic Sea to Byzantium - modern Albania, Macedonia, Greece and Turkey. The road's namesake, Macedonian governor Gnaeus Egnatius, ordered construction of the great highway in 146 B.C. The first stretches were finished nearly 14 years later, and trading towns and places of worship sprang up along its route, many of which still exist today as relics of the region's interconnected history. Today, engineers are constructing the modern Via Egnatia, "Europe's most difficult and modern motorway."
4) Lake Ohrid
Lake Ohrid is one of the world's oldest lakes, formed millions of years ago on the western side of the Dinaric Alps by geotectonic depressions (as were similarly ancient lakes Titicaca in Peru and Baikal in Siberia). This ancient body of water is home to the European eel, which comes to Lake Ohrid from its birthplace thousands of miles away in the Sargasso Sea. The eel lives in Lake Ohrid for 10 years, then returns to the Sargasso to spawn and die, leaving its progeny to repeat the process after birth. In 1980 Lake Ohrid was proclaimed a place of world cultural and natural inheritance by
UNESCO, Macedonia's only World Heritage Site. See photos of Lake Ohrid on Flickr.
5) The Stone Dolls
Near Kuklica village in the Kratova area of Macedonia, 120 stone figures, dated to 10 million years ago, rise from the earth, the tallest nearly 10 meters high. Legend has it the figures are members of a cursed wedding party, turned to stone by the fury of a scorned bride. Scientists suggest the "dolls" are products of tectonic erosion. For a tour of Kuklica, visit Macedonia's tourism site.
6) The Rosetta Stone
Discovered in Egypt in 1799, the writings on the Rosetta Stone date to 196 B.C. The text is transcribed in three languages, and the stone is considered a critical key to deciphering ancient script, especially the hieroglyphics of ancient Egypt. Just last month Macedonian scholars said that the third language on the stone was Macedonian, and not a form of ancient Egyptian known as Demotic, as had been thought. It makes sense: the Macedonians ruled Egypt under Alexander the Great and his appointed regent, Ptolemy Sotir, founder of the last dynasty. For more on the Rosetta Stone, visit Wikipedia.
7) Prehistoric observatories
Some 5,800 years ago, ancients living near present-day Macedonia stood atop a hill shadowed by huge stone ridges and tracked the course of the sun and moon. Today Kokino is ranked fourth on the list of the world's oldest observatories, behind Abu Simbel in Egypt, Stonehenge in Great Britain, and Angkor Wat in Cambodia. Not far away from Kokino stands Chochev (or Tsocev) Kamen, another Neolithic observation site, built some four millennia ago. The site is more developed than Kokino in many ways, including rock-cut footsteps and ladders, sacred basins, pictographs, and an ancient wine-making system.
8) St. George/Staro Nagoricane
First constructed in 1071, the Church of St. George, located in the village of Staro Nagoricane, was refurbished in the early 14th century by Serbian King Milutin after he conquered Byzantine Macedonia. The artwork Milutin commissioned during the church's renovation is haunting and otherworldly, and the frescoes still festoon the walls, darkened with age. Today, the Church of St. George is considered an important link to Macedonia's Byzantine roots. Read the history of frescoes.
1) Alexander the Great
Born to military hero King Philip II of Macedon and tutored by famed philosopher Aristotle, young Alexander was destined for, well, greatness. His first real battle was the one he fought to assume the throne, as he was considered by many, including his father, to be an illegitimate heir. Soon after his crowning, Alexander expanded the Macedonian empire through Egypt, Persia,
Afghanistan and India. At 33, he died a mysterious death in Babylon, after which the great empire of Macedonia quickly declined. Read a history of Alexander the Great.
2) Heraclea
Founded by Phillip II of Macedon and named for the hero Heracles, this fourth century B.C. town stands today as monument to Macedonia's classic past. When the Romans conquered Macedonia in the second century B.C., Heraclea became a main stop on the Romans' newly constructed Via Egnatia (see below). Before World War I, archaeologists found a small theater ticket (for row 14 out of 20) made of bone. Two world wars prevented further excavation, so it was not until decades later that archaeologists unearthed the 20-row gladiator theater in the center of town, and an early Christian basilica with mosaics depicting a menagerie of exotic and mythical animals on its floors. The Greeks built many cities named Heraclea; this one is known as Heraclea Lyncestis.
3) Via Egnatia
Stretching thousands of miles in each direction, Via Egnatia connected the East to the West, linking Roman colonies from the Adriatic Sea to Byzantium - modern Albania, Macedonia, Greece and Turkey. The road's namesake, Macedonian governor Gnaeus Egnatius, ordered construction of the great highway in 146 B.C. The first stretches were finished nearly 14 years later, and trading towns and places of worship sprang up along its route, many of which still exist today as relics of the region's interconnected history. Today, engineers are constructing the modern Via Egnatia, "Europe's most difficult and modern motorway."
4) Lake Ohrid
Lake Ohrid is one of the world's oldest lakes, formed millions of years ago on the western side of the Dinaric Alps by geotectonic depressions (as were similarly ancient lakes Titicaca in Peru and Baikal in Siberia). This ancient body of water is home to the European eel, which comes to Lake Ohrid from its birthplace thousands of miles away in the Sargasso Sea. The eel lives in Lake Ohrid for 10 years, then returns to the Sargasso to spawn and die, leaving its progeny to repeat the process after birth. In 1980 Lake Ohrid was proclaimed a place of world cultural and natural inheritance by
UNESCO, Macedonia's only World Heritage Site. See photos of Lake Ohrid on Flickr.
5) The Stone Dolls
Near Kuklica village in the Kratova area of Macedonia, 120 stone figures, dated to 10 million years ago, rise from the earth, the tallest nearly 10 meters high. Legend has it the figures are members of a cursed wedding party, turned to stone by the fury of a scorned bride. Scientists suggest the "dolls" are products of tectonic erosion. For a tour of Kuklica, visit Macedonia's tourism site.
6) The Rosetta Stone
Discovered in Egypt in 1799, the writings on the Rosetta Stone date to 196 B.C. The text is transcribed in three languages, and the stone is considered a critical key to deciphering ancient script, especially the hieroglyphics of ancient Egypt. Just last month Macedonian scholars said that the third language on the stone was Macedonian, and not a form of ancient Egyptian known as Demotic, as had been thought. It makes sense: the Macedonians ruled Egypt under Alexander the Great and his appointed regent, Ptolemy Sotir, founder of the last dynasty. For more on the Rosetta Stone, visit Wikipedia.
7) Prehistoric observatories
Some 5,800 years ago, ancients living near present-day Macedonia stood atop a hill shadowed by huge stone ridges and tracked the course of the sun and moon. Today Kokino is ranked fourth on the list of the world's oldest observatories, behind Abu Simbel in Egypt, Stonehenge in Great Britain, and Angkor Wat in Cambodia. Not far away from Kokino stands Chochev (or Tsocev) Kamen, another Neolithic observation site, built some four millennia ago. The site is more developed than Kokino in many ways, including rock-cut footsteps and ladders, sacred basins, pictographs, and an ancient wine-making system.
8) St. George/Staro Nagoricane
First constructed in 1071, the Church of St. George, located in the village of Staro Nagoricane, was refurbished in the early 14th century by Serbian King Milutin after he conquered Byzantine Macedonia. The artwork Milutin commissioned during the church's renovation is haunting and otherworldly, and the frescoes still festoon the walls, darkened with age. Today, the Church of St. George is considered an important link to Macedonia's Byzantine roots. Read the history of frescoes.
U.S. Congratulates Macedonia on Parliamentary Election
Election observers note "isolated" voting problems in former Yugoslav republic
The United States has congratulated the citizens of Macedonia for July 5 successful parliamentary elections, which independent monitors said largely met international standards despite isolated problems.
A coalition of opposition conservative parties, VRMO-DPMNE, received more seats in Macedonia's parliament than the ruling Social Democrat coalition, according to news reports. Neither coalition won a majority of parliamentary seats.
"We note the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's [OSCE's] initial assessment that the elections largely met international standards," U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement July 6.
"We welcome the evident will of the people of Macedonia to elect their representatives in an orderly and transparent process," McCormack said. "We also note that there were isolated cases of irregularities. These cases should be fully investigated and dealt with in accordance with Macedonian law."
McCormack said the United States "will continue to support its friend and partner Macedonia on the path of Euro-Atlantic integration." The European Union (EU) formally made Macedonia a candidate for EU membership in December 2005. (See related article.)
About 380 observers monitored the election on behalf of the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. The OSCE chairman in office, Belgian Foreign Minister Karel De Gucht, welcomed the overall conduct of the voting compared to previous elections. However, he said the campaigns leading up to the July 5 balloting had been marred by "acts of violence and intimidation." He called on Macedonian authorities to investigate "thoroughly" reports of isolated irregularities.
The former Yugoslav republic has a population of about 2 million.
Source: U.S. Department of State
The United States has congratulated the citizens of Macedonia for July 5 successful parliamentary elections, which independent monitors said largely met international standards despite isolated problems.
A coalition of opposition conservative parties, VRMO-DPMNE, received more seats in Macedonia's parliament than the ruling Social Democrat coalition, according to news reports. Neither coalition won a majority of parliamentary seats.
"We note the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's [OSCE's] initial assessment that the elections largely met international standards," U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement July 6.
"We welcome the evident will of the people of Macedonia to elect their representatives in an orderly and transparent process," McCormack said. "We also note that there were isolated cases of irregularities. These cases should be fully investigated and dealt with in accordance with Macedonian law."
McCormack said the United States "will continue to support its friend and partner Macedonia on the path of Euro-Atlantic integration." The European Union (EU) formally made Macedonia a candidate for EU membership in December 2005. (See related article.)
About 380 observers monitored the election on behalf of the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. The OSCE chairman in office, Belgian Foreign Minister Karel De Gucht, welcomed the overall conduct of the voting compared to previous elections. However, he said the campaigns leading up to the July 5 balloting had been marred by "acts of violence and intimidation." He called on Macedonian authorities to investigate "thoroughly" reports of isolated irregularities.
The former Yugoslav republic has a population of about 2 million.
Source: U.S. Department of State
People in Macedonia Voted for the Country's European Integration
Sofia. The general elections in Macedonia have greater international importance than local one, FOCUS Agency's President Krasimir Uzunov said in an interview with BNR commenting on the election results in Macedonia.
In his words voters cast their ballots for preserving the European course and orientation of the country.
The winning party is VMRO-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (DPMNE) and the former ruling party - the Social-Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), remains second.
According to Uzunov the most characteristic for these elections is that the two major parties lost considerable part of their supporters.
“NATO was a real and near future for Macedonia but I can hardly claim the same about the EU”, FOCUS President stressed.
"We need also to add up to these grounds the enlargement exhaustion of the EU", Uzunov added.
In his words voters cast their ballots for preserving the European course and orientation of the country.
The winning party is VMRO-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (DPMNE) and the former ruling party - the Social-Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), remains second.
According to Uzunov the most characteristic for these elections is that the two major parties lost considerable part of their supporters.
“NATO was a real and near future for Macedonia but I can hardly claim the same about the EU”, FOCUS President stressed.
"We need also to add up to these grounds the enlargement exhaustion of the EU", Uzunov added.
EU Praises Conduct Of Macedonia Elections
BRUSSELS (AP)--The European Union welcomed the overall smooth running of Macedonia's parliamentary elections Thursday, and urged the winning political parties to form a government quickly to push through reforms needed for the country to start EU entry talks.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said he welcomed a report from international monitors saying the elections generally met international standards. However, he called for an investigation into "incidents" during campaigning in some parts of the country.
The tense campaign was marred by violence - including shoot-outs and a grenade attack - between supporters of rival ethnic Albanian parties that left at least three people wounded.
"These incidents must be fully investigated and the perpetrators punished," Rehn said in a statement. "It is now important that a new government is formed quickly so that the country can step up its efforts on the reform agenda to meet the criteria" for EU membership.
Macedonia's nationalist opposition has won the most votes in parliamentary elections, according to early results, but will likely be forced into a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party to govern the ethnically divided country, which was officially made a candidate by the EU in December. Final results were to be released Friday.
The commission said it was "fully committed" to backing reforms designed to ready Macedonia for membership negotiations. The EU hasn't yet set a date for starting the talks.
"We will actively support a reform oriented government," Rehn said. "Substantial EU financial assistance is available to contribute to the efforts of the new government to address the most urgent reforms."
Rehn said the most critical of those reforms included changes to the way the police is run and strengthening administration in the Balkan nation.
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said he welcomed a report from international monitors saying the elections generally met international standards. However, he called for an investigation into "incidents" during campaigning in some parts of the country.
The tense campaign was marred by violence - including shoot-outs and a grenade attack - between supporters of rival ethnic Albanian parties that left at least three people wounded.
"These incidents must be fully investigated and the perpetrators punished," Rehn said in a statement. "It is now important that a new government is formed quickly so that the country can step up its efforts on the reform agenda to meet the criteria" for EU membership.
Macedonia's nationalist opposition has won the most votes in parliamentary elections, according to early results, but will likely be forced into a coalition with an ethnic Albanian party to govern the ethnically divided country, which was officially made a candidate by the EU in December. Final results were to be released Friday.
The commission said it was "fully committed" to backing reforms designed to ready Macedonia for membership negotiations. The EU hasn't yet set a date for starting the talks.
"We will actively support a reform oriented government," Rehn said. "Substantial EU financial assistance is available to contribute to the efforts of the new government to address the most urgent reforms."
Rehn said the most critical of those reforms included changes to the way the police is run and strengthening administration in the Balkan nation.
Friday, July 07, 2006
U.S. State Department: parliamentary elections in Macedonia largely met international standards
The United States has congratulated the citizens of Macedonia for July 5 successful parliamentary elections, which independent monitors said largely met international standards despite isolated problems.
A coalition of opposition conservative parties, VRMO-DPMNE, received more seats in Macedonia’s parliament than the ruling Social Democrat coalition, according to news reports. Neither coalition won a majority of parliamentary seats.
"We note the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s [OSCE’s] initial assessment that the elections largely met international standards," U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement July 6.
"We welcome the evident will of the people of Macedonia to elect their representatives in an orderly and transparent process,” McCormack said. "We also note that there were isolated cases of irregularities. These cases should be fully investigated and dealt with in accordance with Macedonian law."
McCormack said the United States "will continue to support its friend and partner Macedonia on the path of Euro-Atlantic integration." The Eur
A coalition of opposition conservative parties, VRMO-DPMNE, received more seats in Macedonia’s parliament than the ruling Social Democrat coalition, according to news reports. Neither coalition won a majority of parliamentary seats.
"We note the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s [OSCE’s] initial assessment that the elections largely met international standards," U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said in a statement July 6.
"We welcome the evident will of the people of Macedonia to elect their representatives in an orderly and transparent process,” McCormack said. "We also note that there were isolated cases of irregularities. These cases should be fully investigated and dealt with in accordance with Macedonian law."
McCormack said the United States "will continue to support its friend and partner Macedonia on the path of Euro-Atlantic integration." The Eur
Election relief for Macedonia
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is heading towards a change of government in a largely peaceful and orderly manner following parliamentary elections on 5 July.
The centre-right - formerly nationalist - Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation, VMRO-DPMNE, is returning to the helm. It was last in power in 2001, during a revolt by ethnic Albanians which threatened to plunge the country into civil war.
But VMRO leader Nikola Gruevski is well short of an outright majority - and all post-independence Macedonian poll winners have relied on some support from Macedonian Albanians to .
While Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski of the Social Democratic Union has admitted defeat, his main partner from the Albanian Democratic Union for Integration, Ali Ahmeti, is keen to continue in government.
Mr Ahmeti's main ethnic Albanian rival is also readying for government.
Arber Xhaferri of the Democratic Party of the Albanians says he is the logical partner - having been in government with VMRO and ousted at the same time.
Consolidating peace
An ethnically mixed governing partnership has come to be expected - and is almost a condition to be met to secure Macedonia's continued approval by the international community.
The former Yugoslav republic is still struggling to recover from the 2001 insurgency - led by Mr Ahmeti.
The European Union and the UN oversaw the end of the conflict and the Ohrid Agreement was put in place to improve representation at the top for the ethnic Albanian community, forming a quarter of the population.
The EU in particular has a major stake. It offered candidate status to Macedonia in December 2005 and made a peaceful election a major condition for further progress on accession.
Observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) gave the election qualified approval.
The OSCE said: "While the elections largely met OSCE and Council of Europe commitments for democratic elections, instances of violence and intimidation during the first half of the campaign and on election day cast a shadow over an otherwise generally well-administered election held in a competitive environment."
EU ambitions
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said he was "pleased", whilst regretting "some incidents" that had to be investigated and punished.
"Substantial EU financial assistance is available to contribute to the efforts of the new government to address the most urgent reforms," he said.
EU membership remains a Balkan dream - more often than not the top foreign policy priority. Brussels knows this, as it knows it cannot sustain this unusual interest should it delay sending the right signals. Hence, its interest to stress the positive.
The European perspective - as expected - also appears to have tempered dissatisfaction amongst the losers.
"Macedonia is the main winner as the citizens showed that they could vote in free and fair elections," Mr Buckovski told supporters.
His likely successor echoed that line. Mr Gruevski knows he has to keep Europe engaged.
The relative calm of the poll and an orderly transfer will help Macedonia's case. Brussels may be reassured after initial fears raised by campaign violence.
The centre-right - formerly nationalist - Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation, VMRO-DPMNE, is returning to the helm. It was last in power in 2001, during a revolt by ethnic Albanians which threatened to plunge the country into civil war.
But VMRO leader Nikola Gruevski is well short of an outright majority - and all post-independence Macedonian poll winners have relied on some support from Macedonian Albanians to .
While Prime Minister Vlado Buckovski of the Social Democratic Union has admitted defeat, his main partner from the Albanian Democratic Union for Integration, Ali Ahmeti, is keen to continue in government.
Mr Ahmeti's main ethnic Albanian rival is also readying for government.
Arber Xhaferri of the Democratic Party of the Albanians says he is the logical partner - having been in government with VMRO and ousted at the same time.
Consolidating peace
An ethnically mixed governing partnership has come to be expected - and is almost a condition to be met to secure Macedonia's continued approval by the international community.
The former Yugoslav republic is still struggling to recover from the 2001 insurgency - led by Mr Ahmeti.
The European Union and the UN oversaw the end of the conflict and the Ohrid Agreement was put in place to improve representation at the top for the ethnic Albanian community, forming a quarter of the population.
The EU in particular has a major stake. It offered candidate status to Macedonia in December 2005 and made a peaceful election a major condition for further progress on accession.
Observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) gave the election qualified approval.
The OSCE said: "While the elections largely met OSCE and Council of Europe commitments for democratic elections, instances of violence and intimidation during the first half of the campaign and on election day cast a shadow over an otherwise generally well-administered election held in a competitive environment."
EU ambitions
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said he was "pleased", whilst regretting "some incidents" that had to be investigated and punished.
"Substantial EU financial assistance is available to contribute to the efforts of the new government to address the most urgent reforms," he said.
EU membership remains a Balkan dream - more often than not the top foreign policy priority. Brussels knows this, as it knows it cannot sustain this unusual interest should it delay sending the right signals. Hence, its interest to stress the positive.
The European perspective - as expected - also appears to have tempered dissatisfaction amongst the losers.
"Macedonia is the main winner as the citizens showed that they could vote in free and fair elections," Mr Buckovski told supporters.
His likely successor echoed that line. Mr Gruevski knows he has to keep Europe engaged.
The relative calm of the poll and an orderly transfer will help Macedonia's case. Brussels may be reassured after initial fears raised by campaign violence.
Monday, April 17, 2006
Broadband network is envy of the west
Macedonia usually only hits the headlines when ethnic tensions erupt. But this small land-locked nation now wants to project a more positive image as the world’s first “wireless country”.
In four years, Macedonia has vaulted from being known as one of the poorest countries in Europe to being one of the most technologically advanced.
Thanks to aid from foreign governments and commercial sponsors, Macedonia now has a computer laboratory in each of its 430 schools and a nationwide broadband network that many richer western countries will envy.
Rural schools which previously did not even have a telephone are today linked to the outside world via broadband wireless.
Macedonia claims to be the first country of its size to have a broadband wireless network covering 95 per cent of its population. The network, based on Motorola technology, uses WiFi hot-spots to bring high-speed internet access to schools and villages, while mesh technology is used to blanket urban areas.
The impetus for this project came from Boris Trajkovski, Macedonia’s former president, who died in 2003. He was a strong believer in the need for Macedonian children to learn modern IT skills.
In 2002, during an official visit to China, he secured a grant to equip the country’s schools with Chinese-made computers. Microsoft later donated more than 6,000 licences for software.
That in itself was a big leap forward. But Mr Trajkovski realised that without internet access, the children would remain at a disadvantage. He approached the US Agency for International Development (USAid) which has been funding projects in Macedonia for a decade.
USAid engaged the Academy for Economic Development (AED), a US non-profit organisation, to bring internet access to Macedonia’s schools. But the project faced a big barrier, namely the prohibitive cost of internet access in Macedonia – more than €150 a month for a slow dial-up connection.
According to Glenn Strachan, who directed the Macedonia Connects project for AED, the blame lay with Macedonia’s incumbent telecoms company, Maktel, which had the monopoly on the wired infrastructure and charged high prices.
Maktel’s monopoly ended on December 31 2004 and AED quickly invited bids to provide a cheaper high-speed internet service not just for schools – which are subsidised by AED – but for non-school paying customers as well.
“We realised we needed a sustainable model that would help the ISPs get more commercial clients,” says Mr Strachan.
A local ISP, On.Net, won the contract with a proposal to bypass Maktel’s infrastructure and blanket the country using wireless broadband. In August 2005, On.Net completed the wireless backbone and a month later it had connected all the schools.
The project has not been problem-free. China’s donation only covered hardware so the PCs were originally installed with open source software. A year later, Microsoft’s donation arrived and the teachers had to spend time installing and learning to use Microsoft software.
More worryingly, the installation of hardware in a dozen schools was delayed due to the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army. War in the Serbian province of Kosovo officially ended in 1999, but ex-KLA insurgents still operate sporadically in northwestern Macedonia.
Mr Strachan knows that modern technology alone is not going to heal the deep wounds in Macedonia and other war-torn Balkan states. But he believes that bringing internet access to the nation’s schools will improve education and, longer term, help modernise the economy.
Today, 300,000 children and students benefit from free internet access and USAid recently agreed to expand the project to bring 50 municipalities online in remote rural areas.
In four years, Macedonia has vaulted from being known as one of the poorest countries in Europe to being one of the most technologically advanced.
Thanks to aid from foreign governments and commercial sponsors, Macedonia now has a computer laboratory in each of its 430 schools and a nationwide broadband network that many richer western countries will envy.
Rural schools which previously did not even have a telephone are today linked to the outside world via broadband wireless.
Macedonia claims to be the first country of its size to have a broadband wireless network covering 95 per cent of its population. The network, based on Motorola technology, uses WiFi hot-spots to bring high-speed internet access to schools and villages, while mesh technology is used to blanket urban areas.
The impetus for this project came from Boris Trajkovski, Macedonia’s former president, who died in 2003. He was a strong believer in the need for Macedonian children to learn modern IT skills.
In 2002, during an official visit to China, he secured a grant to equip the country’s schools with Chinese-made computers. Microsoft later donated more than 6,000 licences for software.
That in itself was a big leap forward. But Mr Trajkovski realised that without internet access, the children would remain at a disadvantage. He approached the US Agency for International Development (USAid) which has been funding projects in Macedonia for a decade.
USAid engaged the Academy for Economic Development (AED), a US non-profit organisation, to bring internet access to Macedonia’s schools. But the project faced a big barrier, namely the prohibitive cost of internet access in Macedonia – more than €150 a month for a slow dial-up connection.
According to Glenn Strachan, who directed the Macedonia Connects project for AED, the blame lay with Macedonia’s incumbent telecoms company, Maktel, which had the monopoly on the wired infrastructure and charged high prices.
Maktel’s monopoly ended on December 31 2004 and AED quickly invited bids to provide a cheaper high-speed internet service not just for schools – which are subsidised by AED – but for non-school paying customers as well.
“We realised we needed a sustainable model that would help the ISPs get more commercial clients,” says Mr Strachan.
A local ISP, On.Net, won the contract with a proposal to bypass Maktel’s infrastructure and blanket the country using wireless broadband. In August 2005, On.Net completed the wireless backbone and a month later it had connected all the schools.
The project has not been problem-free. China’s donation only covered hardware so the PCs were originally installed with open source software. A year later, Microsoft’s donation arrived and the teachers had to spend time installing and learning to use Microsoft software.
More worryingly, the installation of hardware in a dozen schools was delayed due to the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army. War in the Serbian province of Kosovo officially ended in 1999, but ex-KLA insurgents still operate sporadically in northwestern Macedonia.
Mr Strachan knows that modern technology alone is not going to heal the deep wounds in Macedonia and other war-torn Balkan states. But he believes that bringing internet access to the nation’s schools will improve education and, longer term, help modernise the economy.
Today, 300,000 children and students benefit from free internet access and USAid recently agreed to expand the project to bring 50 municipalities online in remote rural areas.
Alexander of Macedonia
Alexander III of Macedon (356-323 BC) |
 |
| Alexander III of Macedon, better known as Alexander the Great, single-handedly changed the entire nature of the ancient world in little more than ten years. Born in the northern Greek kingdom of Macedonia in 356 BC, to Philip II and his formidable wife Olympias, Alexander was educated by the philosopher Aristotle. Following his father's assassination in 336 BC, he inherited a powerful yet volatile kingdom, which he had to secure - along with the rest of the Greek city states - before he could set out to conquer the massive Persian Empire, in revenge for Persia's earlier attempts to conquer Greece. Against overwhelming odds, he led his army to victories across the Persian territories of Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt without incurring a single defeat. With his greatest victory at the Battle of Gaugamela, in what is now northern Iraq, in 331 BC, the young king of Macedonia, leader of the Greeks, Overlord of Asia Minor and Pharaoh of Egypt also became Great King of Persia at the age of 25. Over the next eight years, in his capacity as king, commander, politician, scholar and explorer, Alexander led his army a further 11,000 miles, founding over 70 cities and creating an empire that stretched across three continents and covered some two million square miles. The entire area from Greece in the west, north to the Danube, south into Egypt and as far east as the Indian Punjab, was linked together in a vast international network of trade and commerce. This was united by a common Greek language and culture, whilst the king himself adopted foreign customs in order to rule his millions of ethnically diverse subjects. Primarily a soldier, Alexander was an acknowledged military genius who always led by example, although his belief in his own indestructibility meant he was often reckless with his own life and that of those he expected to follow him. The fact that his army only refused to do so once, in the13 years of a reign during which there was constant fighting, indicates the loyalty he inspired. Following his death in 323 BC at the age of only 32, his empire was torn apart in the power struggles of his successors. Yet Alexander's mythical status rapidly reached epic proportions and inspired individuals as diverse as Julius Caesar, Cleopatra, Louis XIV and Napoleon. He continues to be portrayed according to the bias of those interpreting his achievements. He is either Alexander the Great or Iskander the Accursed, chivalrous knight or bloody monster, benign multi-culturalist or racist imperialist - but above all he is fully deserving of his description as 'the most significant secular individual in history'. |
Events which are coming cast their shadow – onto multicultural macedonia
struga, one of the important cities in macedonia, where the slavic macedonians are the majority, has lost its slavic majority last week after profound legal changes meant the albanian regions near it became part of the city's municipality. the albanian majority will be dominant in the city government. the same situation will be valid for kicevo by 2008. peasants, in effect, will control the cities.
kosovo and macedonia share a common border, and after 1999 huge amounts of weaponry and albanian terrorists passed over to commence operations in macedonia. albanian fighters busily set about kidnapping and killing macedonian conscript soldiers, police officers, officials, etc. once on the verge of a decisive defeat by modestly equipped macedonian security services, they were escorted from the country by american forces to the safety of post-conflict kosovo.
there has not been one, even fictitious, news item about macedonian atrocites against the albanian civilian minority. that isn’t the issue according to the terrorist albanian army, the nla, the successor to the ‘disbanded’ kla. there is also ana, whose ramush haradinaj has vowed to fight on for a greater albania. the ana is bad cop, the nla is good cop, and the criminal is the peaceful macedonian government.
as nla leader mr ahmeti says (newsweek, march 22, 2001). "our aim is solely to remove slav forces from territory which is historically albanian." of course, slavs and albanians have lived side by side for centuries in macedonia, so no such areas exist. and tutored no doubt by the cia, mr ahmeti now professes himself devoted to macedonian unity – surprising for one who described macedonia as an articifial state that should be cut up. the ana condemns the us backed 2001 ohrid agreement/ultimatum, the framework for last week’s power transfer, and has called all albanians to join for a war in order to unify all the albanians in one state.
albanian schools may be bad, and proportionally less albanians attend university or join the police force, but that is hardly the fault of the central government, anymore than underachievement or under representation of blacks in education is the fault of the uk government, or than underachievement of malays compared to chinese minority students is the fault of the majority, muslim malaysian government. the malayasian government, bemoaning its failure, recently abolished pro-malay discrimination.
without a popular referendum, large parts of macedonia are now passing to direct albanian control. there will be universal quotas for albanian representation in education and the police. 'proving' itself a friend to muslims in kosovo and bosnia, cia-ing military support and guidance to extremist and fundamentalist groups, and undermining negotiation beetween muslim and christian politicians, the usa helped to turn those countries into mafia and terrorist basketcases. the only real power now held among albanian populations in kosovo and macedonia is nationalist-terrorist-mafia power – so what motivation have any ‘moderate’ albanian politicians?
it's noteworthy that while the usa and eu have demanded albanian power – and power rather than minority rights, which they already possess – in macedonia, they refuse to consider any serious move towards minority rights for christian or gypsy minority groups in kosovo, where albanians constitute the majority, and where albanian rule has been severely condemned by a recent u.n. report. armed albanians want devolution in macedonia, but violently oppose it in kosovo, where this year large gangs launched a pogrom against serb and gypsy enclaves.
so why is the usa falling over itself to hand power to the very forces which are against multiculturalism, against brotherhood and unity, and for mono-ethnicity and separateness? why does it pander to an albanian culture of victimology and bloody narcissism? is it perhaps the typical american strategy of promoting fascist inclined, muslim clients at the expense of any state which might otherwise look to the ex soviet union for international guidance – a strategy that won america two huge military bases in kosovo and bosnia, and geographical control over future oil pipelines? or simply, like in cyprus, attempting to hand disproportiate powers to one ethnic group, stirring up future trouble, and allowing the usa to ‘put its hand in’, economically or politically, whenever it pleases? one thing for certain, macedonia, congratulated by bush for its troop contribution to iraq, will soon be a client, sweatshop and market of both nato and the (anglo-german) eu – and one effectively forbidden to tackle its own terrorist problems.
kosovo and macedonia share a common border, and after 1999 huge amounts of weaponry and albanian terrorists passed over to commence operations in macedonia. albanian fighters busily set about kidnapping and killing macedonian conscript soldiers, police officers, officials, etc. once on the verge of a decisive defeat by modestly equipped macedonian security services, they were escorted from the country by american forces to the safety of post-conflict kosovo.
there has not been one, even fictitious, news item about macedonian atrocites against the albanian civilian minority. that isn’t the issue according to the terrorist albanian army, the nla, the successor to the ‘disbanded’ kla. there is also ana, whose ramush haradinaj has vowed to fight on for a greater albania. the ana is bad cop, the nla is good cop, and the criminal is the peaceful macedonian government.
as nla leader mr ahmeti says (newsweek, march 22, 2001). "our aim is solely to remove slav forces from territory which is historically albanian." of course, slavs and albanians have lived side by side for centuries in macedonia, so no such areas exist. and tutored no doubt by the cia, mr ahmeti now professes himself devoted to macedonian unity – surprising for one who described macedonia as an articifial state that should be cut up. the ana condemns the us backed 2001 ohrid agreement/ultimatum, the framework for last week’s power transfer, and has called all albanians to join for a war in order to unify all the albanians in one state.
albanian schools may be bad, and proportionally less albanians attend university or join the police force, but that is hardly the fault of the central government, anymore than underachievement or under representation of blacks in education is the fault of the uk government, or than underachievement of malays compared to chinese minority students is the fault of the majority, muslim malaysian government. the malayasian government, bemoaning its failure, recently abolished pro-malay discrimination.
without a popular referendum, large parts of macedonia are now passing to direct albanian control. there will be universal quotas for albanian representation in education and the police. 'proving' itself a friend to muslims in kosovo and bosnia, cia-ing military support and guidance to extremist and fundamentalist groups, and undermining negotiation beetween muslim and christian politicians, the usa helped to turn those countries into mafia and terrorist basketcases. the only real power now held among albanian populations in kosovo and macedonia is nationalist-terrorist-mafia power – so what motivation have any ‘moderate’ albanian politicians?
it's noteworthy that while the usa and eu have demanded albanian power – and power rather than minority rights, which they already possess – in macedonia, they refuse to consider any serious move towards minority rights for christian or gypsy minority groups in kosovo, where albanians constitute the majority, and where albanian rule has been severely condemned by a recent u.n. report. armed albanians want devolution in macedonia, but violently oppose it in kosovo, where this year large gangs launched a pogrom against serb and gypsy enclaves.
so why is the usa falling over itself to hand power to the very forces which are against multiculturalism, against brotherhood and unity, and for mono-ethnicity and separateness? why does it pander to an albanian culture of victimology and bloody narcissism? is it perhaps the typical american strategy of promoting fascist inclined, muslim clients at the expense of any state which might otherwise look to the ex soviet union for international guidance – a strategy that won america two huge military bases in kosovo and bosnia, and geographical control over future oil pipelines? or simply, like in cyprus, attempting to hand disproportiate powers to one ethnic group, stirring up future trouble, and allowing the usa to ‘put its hand in’, economically or politically, whenever it pleases? one thing for certain, macedonia, congratulated by bush for its troop contribution to iraq, will soon be a client, sweatshop and market of both nato and the (anglo-german) eu – and one effectively forbidden to tackle its own terrorist problems.
Why is Greece Stealing the Macedonian History?
Historian and Professor Eugene Borza who is credited as "Macedonian specialist" by the American Philological Association, and who have done extensive studies regarding the ethnicity of the ancient Macedonians, had also presented in-depth analysis on the modern Greek position which claims that the ancient Macedonians "were Greek". In his In the Shadow of Olympus (p.91-92) Borza writes:
"Thus, long before there was a sufficient ancient evidence to argue about the ethnic identity--as revealed by language--of the ancient Macedonians, there emerged a "Greek" position claiming that the Macedonian language was Greek, and that thus the inhabitants were Greek."
The modern Greeks have therefore, developed a position that the Macedonians were Greek, long before there was sufficient ancient evidence to argue about their ethnicity. Yet although modern historiography had long abandoned this prematurely established "Greek" position, modern Greeks are still its most zealous defenders despite the overwhelming evidence available today, which overwhelmingly shows that the Macedonians were not Greeks but a distinct nation. Borza continues:
"For example, recent work describes the funerary stelae found in the tumulus covering the royal tombs at Vergina. These stelae date from the fourth and early third centuries, and the preponderance of names are Greek… The excavator of Vergina, Manolis Andronikos, in a useful summary of the epigraphic evidence, writes: "In the most unambivalent way this evidence confirms the opinion of those historians who maintain that the Macedonians were a Greek tribe, like all the others who lived on Greek territory, and shows that the theory that they were of Illyrian or Thracian descent and were hellenized by Philip and Alexander rests on no objective criteria." Manolis Andronikos Vergina:The Royal Tombs, 83-85."
Here is Borza’s answer to the Greek archeologist Manolis Andronikos:
"This argument is true enough only as far as it goes. It neglects that the hellenization of the Macedonians might have occurred earlier then the age of Philip and Alexander, and can not therefore serve as a means of proving the Macedonians were a Greek tribe."
Indeed, not only Andronakis was obviously wrong to conclude that the Macedonians were Greek, but also notice how the Greek archeologist does not point that the Macedonians might have been a separate nation. Instead he prefers to call it if not Greek, either Illyrian or Thracian, two ancient nations that can not be associated with the Balkans politics surrounding Greece, resulted from the 1913 partition of Macedonia (see below). Also notice how Andronikos used the term "like all the others who lived on Greek territory". It’s like he wants to convince the reader that Macedonia has always been a "Greek territory", which is exactly what he uses as a base for his inaccurate conclusion.
Another Greek writer, Michael Sakellariou, in his Macedonia 4000 years of Greek History, 44-63 (quite questionable of accuracy title to begin with), "proves" that the "Macedonians were Greek" although he purposely avoided all evidence that does not suit such conclusion. Borza has a line for him as well:
"It is indicative of the strength of Badian’s case that his critics have succeeded only in nit-picking: e.g., Sakellariou, Macedonia, 534-35 nn. 52.53" (Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus p.96.)
Borza is talking about Ernst Badian from Harvard University who in his extensive research Greeks and Macedonians presented all evidence and soundly concluded that the Macedonians were distinct nation from the Greeks, which neither considered themselves to be Greeks nor were considered by the Greeks to be Greek. That is precisely what the Greek writer Sakellariou had completely and purposely avoided, and lacking any base for a well-balanced criticism, choused instead to nit-pick Badian's argument.
We can see a trend among the Greek scholars (Andronicos, Martis, Daskalakis, Kallaris, and Sakellariou) who desperately want to show the world that the Macedonians "were Greeks", though unsuccessfully. Martis' Falsification of Macedonian History was handed out to the foreign journalists in Greece and translated into many languages. Sakellariou’s Macedonia 4000 years of Greek History was even donated for free to the libraries throughout the United States. This exposes a well-developed propaganda strategy, to influence all those unaware that the "Macedonians were Greek." Yet the Greeks are showing the world that the "Macedonians were Greek" by avoiding all ancient and modern evidence that does not suit their purpose, and in that process they try to pass books so full of historical errors and distortions:
"The fullest statement of the "Greek" position, and also the most detailed study of the Macedonian language, is by Kallaris, Les anciens Macidoniens, esp. 2: 488-531, in which alleged Greek elements in the Macedonian language are examined exhaustively. A more chauvinistic (and less persuasive) point of view can be found in Daskalakis, Hellenism, esp. pts. 2. and 3. The most blatant account is that of Martis (The Falsification of Macedonian History). This book, written by a former Minister for Northern Greece, is an polemical anti-Yugoslav tract so full of historical errors and distortions that the prize awarded it by the Academy of Athens serves only to reduce confidence in the scientific judgment of that venerable society of scholars. The most sensible and scholarly Greek position is that laid out by Sakellariou, in Macedonia, 44-63. Lest it seem, however, that the "Greek" position is held only by modem Greeks" - (Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus p.91)
It is ironical that the book of the former Greek politician Nicolas Martis is named The Falsification of Macedonian History, when in fact he is the one who is falsifying the history of Macedonia with his historical errors and distortions. It is worrisome that the students of the countries who have nothing to do with the modern Greek politics, must be exposed to the Greek historical fabrications against one of the most dynamic powers of the ancient times - the Macedonians. But why is Greece doing this, what is behind it, why do they steal the history of the ancient Macedonians, and attempt to appropriate it as theirs?
The answer lays in the year of 1913 when Macedonia was partitioned after the Balkan wars and Greece swallowed the biggest part - 51%. There was nothing in Macedonia then that connected that land with Greece, apart from the small 10% Greek minority scattered in southern Macedonia among the overwhelming majority of Macedonians who lived throughout the country (for complete statistical evidence see the "Macedonian-Greek Conflict"). Since in 1913 it acquired foreign territory populated by non-Greeks, Greece had to provide a link that would justify its claim on that half of Macedonia. That is exactly why the Greeks claim that the ancient Macedonians "were Greek", so that if in ancient times there was a Greek tribe (Macedonians) living in Macedonia, then that land therefore is Greek (just like Andronikos points above). What is not disputable however, is that since 1913 till today, the modern Greek state continues to oppress the ethnic Macedonians who now find themselves living in Greece (see Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International evidenced in the "Macedonians in Greece"). The other northern part of Macedonia, today’s Republic of Macedonia, broke out of Yugoslavia and became independent in 1991. That brought addition fuel to the Greek nationalists who are afraid now that one part of the ethnic Macedonian nation is independent, the partition of 1913 can be seen as illegal, which could lead to eventual loss of their Greek Macedonian part and subsequent reunification of one Macedonia. That is exactly why they claim that there is no modern Macedonian nation, not in Greece not anywhere, and continue to deny the basic human rights of their Macedonian minority through politics filled with paranoia, politics which without the revision of the ancient history could not breathe.
Bibliography
1. Michael Sakellariou, Macedonia 4000 years of Greek History
2. Nikolaos Martis, The Falsification of Macedonian History Nicolaos Martis
3. Kallaris, Les anciens Macidoniens
4. Daskalakis, Hellenism
5. Manolis Andronikos, Vergina:The Royal Tombs
6. Eugene Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus
"Thus, long before there was a sufficient ancient evidence to argue about the ethnic identity--as revealed by language--of the ancient Macedonians, there emerged a "Greek" position claiming that the Macedonian language was Greek, and that thus the inhabitants were Greek."
The modern Greeks have therefore, developed a position that the Macedonians were Greek, long before there was sufficient ancient evidence to argue about their ethnicity. Yet although modern historiography had long abandoned this prematurely established "Greek" position, modern Greeks are still its most zealous defenders despite the overwhelming evidence available today, which overwhelmingly shows that the Macedonians were not Greeks but a distinct nation. Borza continues:
"For example, recent work describes the funerary stelae found in the tumulus covering the royal tombs at Vergina. These stelae date from the fourth and early third centuries, and the preponderance of names are Greek… The excavator of Vergina, Manolis Andronikos, in a useful summary of the epigraphic evidence, writes: "In the most unambivalent way this evidence confirms the opinion of those historians who maintain that the Macedonians were a Greek tribe, like all the others who lived on Greek territory, and shows that the theory that they were of Illyrian or Thracian descent and were hellenized by Philip and Alexander rests on no objective criteria." Manolis Andronikos Vergina:The Royal Tombs, 83-85."
Here is Borza’s answer to the Greek archeologist Manolis Andronikos:
"This argument is true enough only as far as it goes. It neglects that the hellenization of the Macedonians might have occurred earlier then the age of Philip and Alexander, and can not therefore serve as a means of proving the Macedonians were a Greek tribe."
Indeed, not only Andronakis was obviously wrong to conclude that the Macedonians were Greek, but also notice how the Greek archeologist does not point that the Macedonians might have been a separate nation. Instead he prefers to call it if not Greek, either Illyrian or Thracian, two ancient nations that can not be associated with the Balkans politics surrounding Greece, resulted from the 1913 partition of Macedonia (see below). Also notice how Andronikos used the term "like all the others who lived on Greek territory". It’s like he wants to convince the reader that Macedonia has always been a "Greek territory", which is exactly what he uses as a base for his inaccurate conclusion.
Another Greek writer, Michael Sakellariou, in his Macedonia 4000 years of Greek History, 44-63 (quite questionable of accuracy title to begin with), "proves" that the "Macedonians were Greek" although he purposely avoided all evidence that does not suit such conclusion. Borza has a line for him as well:
"It is indicative of the strength of Badian’s case that his critics have succeeded only in nit-picking: e.g., Sakellariou, Macedonia, 534-35 nn. 52.53" (Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus p.96.)
Borza is talking about Ernst Badian from Harvard University who in his extensive research Greeks and Macedonians presented all evidence and soundly concluded that the Macedonians were distinct nation from the Greeks, which neither considered themselves to be Greeks nor were considered by the Greeks to be Greek. That is precisely what the Greek writer Sakellariou had completely and purposely avoided, and lacking any base for a well-balanced criticism, choused instead to nit-pick Badian's argument.
We can see a trend among the Greek scholars (Andronicos, Martis, Daskalakis, Kallaris, and Sakellariou) who desperately want to show the world that the Macedonians "were Greeks", though unsuccessfully. Martis' Falsification of Macedonian History was handed out to the foreign journalists in Greece and translated into many languages. Sakellariou’s Macedonia 4000 years of Greek History was even donated for free to the libraries throughout the United States. This exposes a well-developed propaganda strategy, to influence all those unaware that the "Macedonians were Greek." Yet the Greeks are showing the world that the "Macedonians were Greek" by avoiding all ancient and modern evidence that does not suit their purpose, and in that process they try to pass books so full of historical errors and distortions:
"The fullest statement of the "Greek" position, and also the most detailed study of the Macedonian language, is by Kallaris, Les anciens Macidoniens, esp. 2: 488-531, in which alleged Greek elements in the Macedonian language are examined exhaustively. A more chauvinistic (and less persuasive) point of view can be found in Daskalakis, Hellenism, esp. pts. 2. and 3. The most blatant account is that of Martis (The Falsification of Macedonian History). This book, written by a former Minister for Northern Greece, is an polemical anti-Yugoslav tract so full of historical errors and distortions that the prize awarded it by the Academy of Athens serves only to reduce confidence in the scientific judgment of that venerable society of scholars. The most sensible and scholarly Greek position is that laid out by Sakellariou, in Macedonia, 44-63. Lest it seem, however, that the "Greek" position is held only by modem Greeks" - (Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus p.91)
It is ironical that the book of the former Greek politician Nicolas Martis is named The Falsification of Macedonian History, when in fact he is the one who is falsifying the history of Macedonia with his historical errors and distortions. It is worrisome that the students of the countries who have nothing to do with the modern Greek politics, must be exposed to the Greek historical fabrications against one of the most dynamic powers of the ancient times - the Macedonians. But why is Greece doing this, what is behind it, why do they steal the history of the ancient Macedonians, and attempt to appropriate it as theirs?
The answer lays in the year of 1913 when Macedonia was partitioned after the Balkan wars and Greece swallowed the biggest part - 51%. There was nothing in Macedonia then that connected that land with Greece, apart from the small 10% Greek minority scattered in southern Macedonia among the overwhelming majority of Macedonians who lived throughout the country (for complete statistical evidence see the "Macedonian-Greek Conflict"). Since in 1913 it acquired foreign territory populated by non-Greeks, Greece had to provide a link that would justify its claim on that half of Macedonia. That is exactly why the Greeks claim that the ancient Macedonians "were Greek", so that if in ancient times there was a Greek tribe (Macedonians) living in Macedonia, then that land therefore is Greek (just like Andronikos points above). What is not disputable however, is that since 1913 till today, the modern Greek state continues to oppress the ethnic Macedonians who now find themselves living in Greece (see Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International evidenced in the "Macedonians in Greece"). The other northern part of Macedonia, today’s Republic of Macedonia, broke out of Yugoslavia and became independent in 1991. That brought addition fuel to the Greek nationalists who are afraid now that one part of the ethnic Macedonian nation is independent, the partition of 1913 can be seen as illegal, which could lead to eventual loss of their Greek Macedonian part and subsequent reunification of one Macedonia. That is exactly why they claim that there is no modern Macedonian nation, not in Greece not anywhere, and continue to deny the basic human rights of their Macedonian minority through politics filled with paranoia, politics which without the revision of the ancient history could not breathe.
Bibliography
1. Michael Sakellariou, Macedonia 4000 years of Greek History
2. Nikolaos Martis, The Falsification of Macedonian History Nicolaos Martis
3. Kallaris, Les anciens Macidoniens
4. Daskalakis, Hellenism
5. Manolis Andronikos, Vergina:The Royal Tombs
6. Eugene Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus
Tuesday, September 20, 2005
Monday, September 19, 2005
Republic of Macedonia - Republika Makedonija Den na Nezavisnosta
“Dear citizens of Macedonia, allow me tonight to you and to all citizens of Macedonia to congratulate the free, sovereign and independent Macedonia,” said the former President of the Republic of Macedonia Kiro Gligorov 14 years ago addressing the citizens who spontaneously gathered at Macedonia Square to celebrate the successful referendum at which Macedonian citizens voted for independent and sovereign state.
On September 8, 1991 over 95,5% of the citizens voted for independence of the Republic Macedonia. The results from the referendum preceding the adopted Declaration for Independence at the first multi party Macedonian Parliament on January 25, 1991.
The will of the people for independent state was confirmed with the declaration for acceptance of the results from the referendum on September 18, 1991 at the Macedonian Parliament.
The next important step in strengthening of the state was the adoption of the Constitution on November 17, 1991, which was supplemented after 2001 conflict and signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, 10 years later.
The internationally legal subjectivity of the state was recognised on April 8, 1993 with an acclamation of the UN General Assembly, Macedonia was admitted as 181st full-fledged member in the world organisation. Still due to Greece’s opposition and pressures, which does not recognise our constitutional name, we became member of the UN under provisional reference FYROM.
The 14 years of Macedonia’s independence did not pass without problems and difficulties. Three-digit inflation at the beginning of the ’90s, the Greek embargo, Kosovo refugee crisis and 2001 conflict were real challenges and threats to young Macedonian state which hindered her way in accomplishing the strategic goals - strengthening of democracy and integration in Euro-Atlantic structures.
Process of approximation of Macedonian legislation with EU legislation, power decentralisation and defence reforms marked the last years.
Macedonia today has already established diplomatic relations with 155 states worldwide and is recognised under its constitutional name by 113 countries out of which three are members of the Security Council - China, Russian Federation and the US. Macedonia marks its 14th anniversary of independence in a hope to gain positive answer from the EU on membership application and an invitation for NATO admission at the next Summit of the Alliance.
Republic of Macedonia
On September 8, 1991 over 95,5% of the citizens voted for independence of the Republic Macedonia. The results from the referendum preceding the adopted Declaration for Independence at the first multi party Macedonian Parliament on January 25, 1991.
The will of the people for independent state was confirmed with the declaration for acceptance of the results from the referendum on September 18, 1991 at the Macedonian Parliament.
The next important step in strengthening of the state was the adoption of the Constitution on November 17, 1991, which was supplemented after 2001 conflict and signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, 10 years later.
The internationally legal subjectivity of the state was recognised on April 8, 1993 with an acclamation of the UN General Assembly, Macedonia was admitted as 181st full-fledged member in the world organisation. Still due to Greece’s opposition and pressures, which does not recognise our constitutional name, we became member of the UN under provisional reference FYROM.
The 14 years of Macedonia’s independence did not pass without problems and difficulties. Three-digit inflation at the beginning of the ’90s, the Greek embargo, Kosovo refugee crisis and 2001 conflict were real challenges and threats to young Macedonian state which hindered her way in accomplishing the strategic goals - strengthening of democracy and integration in Euro-Atlantic structures.
Process of approximation of Macedonian legislation with EU legislation, power decentralisation and defence reforms marked the last years.
Macedonia today has already established diplomatic relations with 155 states worldwide and is recognised under its constitutional name by 113 countries out of which three are members of the Security Council - China, Russian Federation and the US. Macedonia marks its 14th anniversary of independence in a hope to gain positive answer from the EU on membership application and an invitation for NATO admission at the next Summit of the Alliance.
Republic of Macedonia
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